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44 We fervently believe that our only chance of national prosperity
lies in the timely remodelling of our system, so as to put it as nearly
as possible upon an equality •with the improved management of
the Americans."— Richard Cobden, 1835.

r**

I he

Americanization of

the World <£ *

or

The Trend of the Twentieth Century

By > y-

WfTf S

Author of "The Truth About Russia," "The Pope and
the New Era," "The United States of Europe"

With Several Interesting Maps

HORACE MARKLEY

3

NEW YORK ££££? LONDON

/

[14 i t>

Copyright, 1901

by

HORACE MARKJLEY

All Rights Reserved

Copyright, J 902

by

HORACE MARKLEY

All Rights Reserved

CONTENTS

PART I

THE UNITED STATES AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE

Chapter I The English-speaking World— page 1

" II The Basis for Reunion— page 17

** HI The Americanization of Ireland— page 27

" IV Of South Africa— page 51

« V Of the West Indies and Thereabouts— page 70

" VI Of Newfoundland and Canada— page 83

44 VII Of Australia— page 123

" /HI A Crucible of Nations— page 145

PART II

THE REST OF THE WORLD

Chapter I Europe— page 161

44 II The Ottoman Empire— page 183

44 m Asia— page 199

44 IV Central and South America— page 214

44 V Ths Monroe Doctrine— page 229

44 VI On International Arbitration— page 248

Contents

PART in

HOW AMERICA AMERICANIZES
Chapter I Religion— page 255

II Literature and Journalism — page 276

III Art, Science, and Music — page 304

IV Marriage and Society— page 3J8
V Sport — page 334

VI The "American Invasion"— page 342
Vn Railways, Shipping, and Trusts — page 360

PART IV

THE SUMMING-UP

Chapter I What is the Secret of American Success ?— page 38J-

U A Look Ahead!— page 396

HI Steps Towards Reunion — page 413

IV The End Thereof— page 439

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The Americanization
of the World

Part One

The United States and the
British Empire

Chapter First

The English-Speaking World

The Americanization of the world is a phrase which
excites, quite needlessly, some resentment in Great
Britain. It is even regarded as an affront to England
to suggest that the world is being Americanized. Its
true destiny of course is to be Anglicized. And many
are quick to discern something of anti-patriotic bias
in the writers who venture to call attention to the
trend of the Twentieth Century.

To all such irate champions of England and the
English it is sufficient to reply that, as the creation

I

Where John Bull Stands

of the Americans is the greatest achievement of our
race, there is no reason to resent the part the Amer-
icans are playing in fashioning the world in their
image, which, after all, is substantially the image of
ourselves.

If we are afflicted with national vanity we can con-
sole ourselves by reflecting that the Americans are
only giving to others what they inherited from our-
selves. Whatever they do, all goes to the credit of
the family. It is an unnatural parent who does not
exult in the achievements of his son, even although
they should eclipse the triumphs of his sire as much
as the victories of Hannibal threw into the shade the
exploits of Hamilcar.

Whatever may be the objections that are raised from
one side or the other, I hope the reader, if he is a
Briton, will at least be able to go so far with me as
to rejoice in contemplating the achievements of the
mighty nation that has sprung from our loins, and
if he is an American, to tolerate the complacency
with which John Bull sets down all his exploits to
the credit of the family. Without that element of
mutual sympathy, it is to be feared the survey of
the process which I have dubbed the Americanization
of the World, is not likely to tend to edification, but
rather to recriminations, cavilings, and bitterness of
spirit. ,

Of one thing the Briton is assured. However he
may be outstripped and overshadowed by the Ameri-
can, no one can deprive us of the traditional glories
which encompass the cradle of the race. "The purple

2

Of British Genesis

mist of centuries and of song" will never lift from
these small islands on the northern seas.

We may lose our primacy in the forging of iron and
steel, but no "invasion" can deprive us of the indestruc-
tible renown possessed by the land which gave birth
to iVlfred and Cromwell, to Shakespeare and Milton,
to Burns and Scott. And as men will ever think
more highly of the City of the Violet Crown with
its Groves of Academe, peopled with poets and sages,
than of the geographically vast expanse of Asiatic
empires, so it may well be that England may be a name
worn ever nearer the great heart of mankind than that
of the Continent-covering son of Anak, whose bulk
overshadows the world.

At the same time — and I hasten to make this admis-
sion to pacify irate American readers resentful of the.
suggestion that John Bull stands to Brother Jonathan
as Athens to Persia — it is possible that the American
may stand to the Briton as Christianity stands to
Judaism.

As it was through the Christian Church that the
monotheism of the Jew conquered the world, so it
may be through the Americans that the English ideals
expressed in the English language may make the
tour of the planet. The parallel is dangerously ex-
act. For there is too much reason to fear that many
Americans regard the English with the same unfilial
ingratitude that many Christians regard the Jew. It
is as useless to remind them that the men of the May-
flower were English, as it is to remind anti-Semites
that Christ and His apostles were Jews. Yet it was

3

The United States Leads

through the Christian Church, too often unmindful
of its Jewish parentage, that the ethical ideals of
the Jew permeated and civilized the world. The
philosopher recognizes that the world-mission of
the Jews was only fulfilled through the Nazarene
whom they crucified ; and so in years to come the
philosophical historian may record that the mission
of the English fulfilled itself through the Ameri-
can. The Americanization of the world is but the
Anglicizing of the world at one remove.

That the United States of America have now arrived
at such a pitch of power and prosperity as to have a
right to claim the leading place among the English-
speaking nations cannot be disputed. The census re-
turns at the beginning and the end of the Nineteenth
Century are conclusive. The figures stand thus : — •

The United Kingdom (1801) 15,717,287 (1901) 41,454,578

The United States (1800) 5,305,925 (1900) 76,299,529

If it be objected that the population of the United
Kingdom is only a fraction of the King's subjects, let
us add to the population of the United Kingdom every
white-skinned person in the British Empire, and let us
at the same time deduct from the population of the
United States all men of color. The figures will stand
thus :—

1801 1901

The British Empire 16,000,000 55,000,000

The United States 4,300,000 66,000,000

If any one objects that we have not included the my-
riads of India among British citizens, the answer is

The Decree of Destiny

easy. We are comparing the English-speaking com-
munities. The right of leadership does not depend
upon how many millions, more or less, of colored peo-
ple we have compelled to pay us taxes. It depends
upon the power, the skill, the wealth, the numbers of
the white citizens of the self-governing State.

It may be said that it is absurd to group together
as English-speaking men millions who, like the Cana-
dians of Quebec and the colonists in Mauritius, only
speak French, or, like the Dutch of South Africa, only
speak the Taal. This, it may be objected, unfairly
swells the British ^total. But against this we must
offset the millions of emigrants who have studded the
United States with patches of the Old World, and
who, until the next generation has been passed through
the schools, cannot be described as English speakers.
Roughly speaking, the figures given above may be said
to represent the comparative numerical strength of the
two sections of the English-speaking world. The Re-
publican section has forged ahead of that which clings
to the Monarchy. Nor is there any prospect that their
relative positions will be reversed. As John the Bap-
tist said of Jesus of Nazareth, so Britain may say to the
United States, "He must increase but I must decrease."
The Baptist did not repine, neither should we.

The Briton, instead of chafing against this inevitable
supersession, should cheerfully acquiesce in the decree
of Destiny, and stand in betimes with the conquering
American. The philosophy of common sense teaches
us that, seeing we can never again be the first, stand-
ing alone, we should lose no time in uniting our for-

5

The Supreme Power

tunes with those who have passed us in the race. Has
the time not come when we should make a resolute
effort to realize the unity of the English-speaking race?
What have we to gain by perpetuating the schism that
we owe to the perversity of George the Third and the
determination of his pig-headed advisers "to put the
thing through" and chastise the insolence of these re-
volted colonists by "fighting to a finish"? As an in-
tegral part of the English-speaking federation, we
should continue to enjoy not only undisturbed, but with
enhanced prestige, our pride of place, while if we re-
main outside, nursing our Imperial insularity on monar-
chical lines, we are doomed to play second fiddle for
the rest of our existence. Why not finally recognize
the truth and act upon it? What sacrifices are there
which can be regarded as too great to achieve the
realization of the ideal of the unity of the English-
speaking race?

Consider for a moment what at present is the dis-
tribution of the surface of this planet among the va-
rious races of mankind. Instead of counting Britain
and the United States as two separate and rival States,
let us pool the resources of the Empire and the Re-
public and regard them with all their fleets, armies,
and industrial resources as a political, or, if you like,
an Imperial unit.

The English-speaking States, with a population of
121,000,000 self-governing white citizens, govern 353.-
000,000 of Asiatics and Africans. Under their allied
flags labor one-third of the human race.

The sea, which covers three-fourths of the surface

World Conquerors

of the planet, is their domain. Excepting on the Eux-
ine and the Caspian, no ship dare plough the salt seas
in Eastern or Western hemisphere if they choose to for-
bid it. They are supreme custodians of the waterways
of the world, capable by their fiat of blockading into
submission any European State contemplating an ap-
peal to the arbitrament of war.

Of the dry land, they have occupied and are ruling
all the richest territories in three continents. With the
exception of Siberia they have seized all the best gold-
mines of the world. There is hardly a region where
white men can breed and live and thrive that they have
not appropriated. They have picked out the eyes of
every continent. They reign in the land of the Pha-
raohs, they have conquered the Empire of Aurungzebe,
and have seized with imperious hand the dominions of
Spain. They have despoiled the Portuguese, the
French, and the Dutch, and have left to the German
and the Italian nothing but the scraps and knuckle-
bones of a colonial dominion.

The net result works out as follows : —

Country.

Square
Miles.

Population.

White.

Colored.

The United States
The British Empire.. . .

3,754,000
11,894,000

66,000,000
55,000,000

20,000,000
333,000,000

Total

15,648,000

121,000,000

353,000,000

Warned Off

The rest of the world cuts but a poor figure com-
pared with the possessions of the English-speaking

allies.

Country.

Square
Miles.

Population.

White.

Colored.

Russia

8,754,000
1,327,308
8,215,858
3,845,000
1,238,000
13,293,000

121,000,000

15,000,000

39,000,000

55,000,000

134,000,000

12,000,000

China

400,000,000
60,000,000
46,000,000
15,000,000

Latin America

France

Germany

All others

129,000,000

The lion's share of the world is ours, not only in bulk,
but in tid-bits also. The light land of the Sahara is not
worth a centime an acre. The vast area of German
South Africa would hardly provide a livelihood for the
population of a middle-sized German village. With
the exception of the Rhine, the Danube, the Amoor, the
Volga, the Platte and the Amazon, nearly all the great
navigable rivers of the world enter the sea under the
Union Jack or the Stars and Stripes. The valley of
the Yang-tse-Kiang is earmarked as the sphere of our
influence. The whole of the North American Conti-
nent,' from the North Pole to the frontier of Mexico, is
within the ring fence of the English-speaking race, and
from the whole of Central and Southern America all
trespassers have been emphatically warned off by the
proclamation of the Monroe Doctrine.

8

Drunkards and Pharisees

Population should be weighed as well as counted.
In a census return a Hottentot counts for as much as
a Cecil Rhodes ; a mean white on a southern swamp is
the census equivalent for Mr. J. P. Morgan or Mr.
Edison.

A nation which has no illiterates can hardly
be counted off against the Russians, only three per
cent, of whom can read or write. Excluding France
and Germany and the highly civilized group of small
states, Scandinavian, Dutch and Swiss, the English-
speaking world comes out easily on top, no matter
what test of civilization is employed.

We have more schools to the square mile, more col-
leges to the county, more universities to the State
than any of the others. We print more books, read
more newspapers, run more libraries. We have more
churches per hundred thousand of the population, and
attend them better. Our death rate is diminishing even
more rapidly than our birth rate, our pauperism is de-
creasing, our criminal statistics are reassuring. Only
in one respect do we fall below the average. We are
the most drunken race in the whole world — the most
drunken and in both our branches the most
Pharisaical.

We are as piratical as the worst of our neighbors,
but we alone make broad our phylacteries while we are
plundering, and pray while we prey. In all the ma-
terial tests of advancing civilization, railways, steam-
ships, telephones, telegraphs, electric trolleys, sanitary
appliances, and the like, we beat the world.

If from a comparison between the English-speaking

9

The Weight of Numbers

duality and the rest of the planet we pass to a com-
parison between the two English-speaking races, some
curious results come out. The United States, which
has shot ahead of us in population, has comparatively
only a small area. The total superficial area of the
United States is only 3,603,844 square miles on the
mainland. The total area of Cuba, Porto Rico, and
the Philippine Islands will not add more than 100,000
square miles to that total.

But the British Empire has 3,456,383 square miles
in Canada, 3,076,763 in Australia, and 1,808,258 in
India. The vast expanses of Canada and Australia
are but sparsely peopled ; there is elbow room in both
for a greater population than that which the United
States carries to-day.

The following comparison of populations is inter-
esting, excluding colored persons : —

1901 1900

United States (not >

England 31,231,684 including those I 57,422,000

below) )

Wales 1,294,032 Virginia 1,854,184

Scotland 4,471,957 Illinois 4,821,550

Ireland 4,456,546 New York 7,118,012

Canada J 5 .18 5,990 Pennsylvania 6 3Q2> , , ?

Australia 3, 726,450 Missouri 3, 106,665

New Zealand 773. 440 Connecticut 908,355

South Africa and ) 1,000,000 »,■ , , ,„

Miscellaneous., [(estimated) Nebraska 1,068,539

These figures do not pretend to be exact. No one
really knows how many white citizens of the British
Empire are scattered over the myriad-peopled regions
JO

Comparative Wealth

where we maintain the Roman peace, how many are on
the high seas, and how many are doing sentry go
all round the world. A million is probably not an un-
fair estimate. The comparison is interesting, and may
be suggestive to some readers who have never quite
realized that there are single states in the American
Union with a population greater than that of the whole
Dominion of Canada or the kingdom of Scotland.

When the comparison is made between finance,
railways and shipping, and there is no distinction
made between colored and white men, the British
Empire, with its multitudinous host of dark-skinned
races, is easily preponderant.

The comparison works out somewhat as follows : —

Country.

Area.

Revenue.
£

Railways

Shipping.
Tons.

Exports

and
Imports.

Colonies and Depen-

Sq. Miles.

121, OOO

11,429,000

Millions.
120

no

Miles.
21,659

54,000

Millions.
9

1

Millions.
815

201

11,550,000
3,700,000

230
139

75,659
184,278

10
4*

1,016

3S0

15,250,000

369

259,037

*5

1.396

Mr. Chauncey McGovern contributed to Pearson's
Magazine last October a curious comparison between
the English-speaking States and Russia, France, and
Spain, from which I extract the following Table: —

The English-Speaking United States of the World. Russia, France and Spain.

Area 15,636,000 square miles.

Population 473,500,000

Revenue .£379,800,000

National Debts. £1,560, 705,000

Railways 267,150 miles.

Exports £325,251,600

Merchant Ships. 19,236,00010ns.

Naval (inns 13-319

12,320,000 square miles.
217,218,000
£133, 103,000
£2,281,951,000

67,260 miles.
£239,920,600

3,037,000 tons.
io, 993

11

A Combination

A more detailed comparison between the English-
speaking States and France, Russia, and Germany,
was made by Sir Richard Temple in September, 1899.
I quote his figures as they stand without attempting to
bring them up to date : —

English-Speaking. Russia, Germany and Spain.

Population.

White 125,000,000 White 221,000,000

Colored 353,000,000 Colored 64,000,000

475,000,000 285,000,000

A re a.
15} millions square miles. | 13I millions square miles.

Coast Line.

62,000 miles and 19 first-rate harbors. | 17,000 miles and 5 harbors.

Railways.

258,000 miles. I 79,500 miles.

Annual Trade.

.£1,600,000,000. ,£1,120,000,000.

English-Speaking.

Russia, Germany and France.

Sh ibping.

Iron Ore.

Shipping.

Iron Ore.

11,000,000 tons.

25,000,000.

3,750,000 tons.

20,000,000 tons.

Fisheries.

Revenue.

Fisheries.

Revenue.

320,000.

^377,000,000.

100,000.

.£405,000,000.

Coal Output.

A rmies.

Coal Output.

A rimes.

405,000,000.

1,000,000.

138,000,000 tons.

7,000,000.

Navies. —

»io ships.

Navies. — 381

ships.

This represents a greater factor of organized force
than has ever before been at the disposal of a single race.

The question arises whether this gigantic aggregate
can be pooled. We live in the day of combinations.
Is there no Morgan who will undertake to bring about
the greatest combination of all — a combination of the
whole English-speaking race?

The same motive which has led to the building up
of the Trust in the industrial world, may bring about
this great combination in the world of politics. It is
not a sentimental craze. The question is prompted bv
the most solid of material considerations. Why should
we not combine? We should be stronger as against
outside attack, and what is of far greater importance,
\2

A Plea for Unity

there would be much less danger of the fierce indus-
trial rivalry that is to come leading to international
strain and war.

New York competes with Massachusetts and Penn-
sylvania with Illinois, but no matter how severe may
be the competition, its stress never strains the federal
tie. States in a federal Union are as free to compete
with each other as are towns in an English county, but
being united in one organic whole the war of trade
never endangers the public peace. Why should we not
aim at the same goal in international affairs? If the
English-speaking world were unified even to the ex-
tent of having a central court for the settlement of all
Anglo-American controversies, our respective manu-
facturers would be free to compete without any risk of
their trade rivalry endangering good relations between
the Empire and the Republic. And that would be again
worth making no small sacrifice in order to secure.

The tendency of the last half century has been all in
favor of the unification of peoples who speak the same
language. It is not likely to slacken in the new cen-
tury. The Nineteenth Century unified Germany and
Italy. Will the Twentieth Century unify the English-
speaking race?

It is a momentous question. The remembrance of
the via dolorosa of blood and tears by which the Ger-
man race attained to unity may well deter the timid
from suggesting that the English-speaking world
should essay to reach the same goal. But the story
of how the Germans realized their national unity is
full of suggestion for us, both for encouragement and
for warning. For the German race a hundred years

*3

/

The Rise of Germany

since was very much like the English-speaking race to-
day. Austria then was what Great Britain is now.*
She had the prestige of antiquity, the Imperial aureole
was round her brow, she reigned over many races of
various tongues, and she was as proud as Lucifer.
Over against her were the Prussians — the Americans
of their time.

They were young and enterprising; the Hohenzol-
lerns were but upstart parvenus besides the Hapsburgs,
but they had the genius for organization, the instinct
for education, and a passionate patriotism. Between
these two lay the minor German States, who corre-
sponded not inaptly to the various English-speaking
colonies which look to Britain as their natural head,
very much as the South German States regarded Aus-
tria, wTho presided over the Bund, as the pivot of the
German political system. In the presence of national
rivalries so intense, and political barriers so innumer-

* When I was revising the proofs of this chapter, I was considerably sur-
prised to find that the London correspondent of the Novoye V'remya in Octo-
ber last had already called attention to the analogy between Great "Britain and
Austria. He pushed the parallel still further home. He declared that the
true parallel of the present situation must be sought not in the relations that
existed at the beginning of the nineteenth century between Prussia and Aus-
tria, but rather in those which existed at present between the German Empire
and Austria, for, in his opinion, the United States have already established
over Great Britain the same kind of protectorate as the German Empire has
established over the Austrian member of the Triple Alliance. He says •

"Everything proves that Great Britain is now practically dependent upon
the United States, and for all international intents and purposes may be con-
sidered to be under an American protectorate.

"Just as Germany has used Austria for her own purposes, while guarding
her from external and internal dangers, so does America take advantage of
British needs and weakness, caring for England only in so far as self-interest
prompts it. The United States has but ]ust entered upon the policy of ex-
ploiting the protected kingdom. . . .

"The British have lost all pride in their relation to the United States. They
admit that they cannot successfully resist the republic. They no longer
trust to their strength, but place their reliance on the racial, literary and social
ties which attract the Americans to England. In this surrender to the Amer-
icans there is a sentimental motive as well as a practical one. Losing her
maritime, commercial, and even financial primacy, England can bear with
more resignation the passing of this primacy lo a nation akin to her in lan-
guage, civilization, and even blood."

J4 1

English-Speaking Unity

able, the idea of German unity seemed an idler dream
in i So i than the idea of English-speaking unity seems
in 1901.

We are all familiar with the consequence of allow-
ing the German race to persist in its dual organization.
As Bismarck wrote in 1856: "For a thousand years,
ever since the reign of Charles V., German Dualism
has regularly resettled its mutual relations once a cen-
tury by a thorough-going internal war, and in this cen-
tury also that will prove to be the only feasible expedi-
ent for arranging matters satisfactorily."*

Ten years later Bismarck, at Sadowa, settled mat-
ters to his satisfaction at least, but to this day one
menace to the peace of central Europe arises from
the fact that some eight million Germans were left
outside the national fold.

Between the two sections of the English-speaking
race there has been one war a century so far. There
is too much reason to fear that the average will be
kept up, unless in some way or other the mischievous
work of George III. can be undone. It is, of course,
manifestly impossible, even if it were desirable, for the
Americans to come back within the pale of the British
Empire. But if thai© impossible, there remains the
other alternative. Why should not we of the older
stock propose to make amends for the folly of our
ancestors by recognizing that the hegemony of the
race has passed from Westminster to Washington,
and proposing to federate the Empire and the Repub-
lic on whatever terms may be arrived at, after dis-
cussion, as a possible basis for the reunion of our race.

• "Our Chancellor." Busch, vol. i., p. 323.

J5

Words of Wisdom

The suggestion will be derided as a dream. But to
quote the familiar saying of Russell Lowell, "It is
none the worse for that; most of the best things we
now possess began by being dreams."

Mr. Balfour, six years ago, declared "that the idea of

war with the United States of America carries with it

something of the unnatural horror of civil war."

Since then many things have happened to strengthen

that sentiment. But even then he could use these

eloquent words : — ■

" I feel, so far as I can speak for my countrymen, that our
pride in the race to which we belong is a pride which includes
every English-speaking community in the world. We have a
domestic patriotism, as Scotchmen or Englishmen or as Irish-
men, or what you will, we have an Imperial patriotism as citi-
zens of the British Empire ; but surely, in addition to that,
we have also an Anglo-Saxon patriotism which embraces
within its ample folds the whole of that great race which has
done so much in every branch of human effort, and in that
branch of human effort which has produced free institutions
and free communities."

And he added some words of wisdom with which I

will close this chapter: —

" We may be taxed with being idealists and dreamers in this
matter. I would rather be an idealist and a dreamer, and I
look forward with confidence to the time when our ideals will
have become real and our dreams \^1 be embodied in actual
political fact. For, after all, cireu^Bances will tend in that
direction in which we look."

In a subsequent chapter, I attempt to describe some

of these circumstances which already enable us to

foresee the trend of the Twentieth Century: —

'Where is a Briton's Fatherland ? A Briton's Fatherland is there.

Will no one tell me of that land ? Our glorious Anglo-Saxon race

'Tis where one meets with English Shall ever fill earth's highest place,

foli^ The sun shall never more go down

' And hears the tongue that Shake- On English temple, tower and town ;

speare spoke; And wander where a Britnn will,

Where songs of' Burns are in the air, His Fatherland shall hold him still"

\6

The Americanization of
the World

&

Chapter Second

The Basis for Reunion

Let it be admitted, if only for the sake of our argu-
ment, that the establishment of English-speaking
unity is a matter to be desired in the interest alike
of the peace of the world and the liberties of man-
kind. The question next arises, how can this unity
most easily and effectually be brought about? In
attempting to answer this question, I disclaim in ad-
vance any accusation that I am imperilling the end
in view by an inconsiderate precipitance in pressing
for the adoption of measures that promise to lead
in that direction.

I only seek to discuss tendencies, to estimate forces,
and to forecast the probable course of the natural
evolution of the existing factors in the Empire and
the Republic, and in the nations on their frontiers.
In presence of a problem so immense, fraught with
consequences so momentous for the weal or woe of
mankind, it would be presumption to attempt to pro-
claim solutions before the governing factors have
been clearly discerned.

\7

Anglo or American

*»

Nevertheless, it may not be impossible for even the
cursory observer to see the trend of events, if he
keeps his attention fixed upon the salient features
of the situation. If the two English-speaking States
are to come together, it is obvious that there must be
some approximation towards a system which may be
accepted by all the world-scattered communities of
English-speaking men.

This being admitted, the question immediately arises
as to whether the Empire will approximate to the
Republic, or the Republic to the Empire. Are we to
Americanize our institutions, or may we expect to see
the Americans Anglicizing their Constitution ? Or
may we anticipate that the future normal system of
polity for the English-speaking world will be arrived
at by such an exact balance between the English and
American elements, that the product will be strictly
Anglo-American, and not more American than it is
Anglo ?

It is not very difficult to answer there questions.
In the first place, what is the fundamental difference
between the British and American Constitutions?
That which differentiates them much more than the
fact that the head of one is hereditary and of the
other elective, is the fact that we have no written
Constitution of any kind, whereas the American Con-
stitution is the best known type of a written Consti-
tution in existence.

The Constitution of the reunited English-speaking
race must of necessity be written. Not even the
most uncompromising Britisher would venture to sug-

J8

The New Constitution

gest that mankind will ever again attempt to repeat
the experiment which has worked for so long with
such miraculous success in Great Britain. If we seek
for confirmation of this, we have only to turn to the
recent history of our greatest colonies. When the
Dominion of Canada was constituted, the federation
was embodied in a written Constitution.

Last year the same thing occurred in the creation
of the Commonwealth of Australia. If Mr. Glad-
stone had succeeded in carrying his Home Rule Bill,
that measure would have been the written Constitu-
tion or fundamental Charter of the new Government
of Ireland. The adoption of some sort of written
Constitution is therefore inevitable, and by its adop-
tion the fundamental feature of the Re-united States
would become American, not British.

After the difference of written and unwritten Con-
stitutions, the Empire and the Republic differ most
visibly in the way in which they appoint their heads.
The Americans elect their President for four years.
The British crown for life the eldest son of the de-
ceased sovereign.

The comparative advantages of a Constitutional
Monarchy and of a democratic Republic need not be
discussed here. The Americans themselves might be
the first to object to the disappearance of the
Monarchy. The Crown might remain as a picturesque
historical symbol, as a distinctively British institu-
tion as local as, although much more ornamental than,
the London fog. But not even the most perfervid
Royalist in his wildest dreams can conceive the possi-

An American Mould

bility of the Americans ever consenting to become
the loyal subjects of a descendant of George III. Even
if they developed a taste for monarchy, they would
make it the first condition of their sovereign that he
should be a thorough American.

No foreign-born citizen, no matter what service he
may have rendered the State, no matter how long he
may have been naturalized, can occupy the presiden-
tial chair, even for the space of four years. If the
Head of the State were to occupy the American throne
for life, and leave it to his sons and his sons' sons after
him, the condition of genuine native-born Americanism
would be insisted upon more passionately than ever.
The conversion of the Americans to the principle of
monarchy, instead of facilitating the race union, would
create a new and very serious obstacle in the shape of
rival dynasties.

Of that, however, there is fortunately no danger.
If, therefore, race union is to be accomplished, the
future head of the reunited States will be elective and
republican, even if the monarchy continues to be
cherished in these islands as a distinctly local institu-
tion. Here also the mould of the future destinies of
our race will be American and not British.

After the monarchy, the American differs from the
British Constitution chiefly in the repudiation by the
former of the principle of hereditary legislation and
of an Established Church, and the acceptance, with
all its logical consequences, of the principle of gov-
ernment of the people by salaried representatives
chosen by constituencies in strict proportion to their

20

Colonial Independence

numbers, as ascertained at each decennial census.
These are the notes which, to the casual observer,
differentiate the two Constitutions. Which of them
will be the key-note of the Constitution of the Reunited
Race?

In discussing this question let us assume that the
Americans themselves will be passive in this matter,
and that the decision to be taken will rest solely with
the subjects of the King. If a plebiscite were to be
taken to-morrow, and every white male adult in the
Empire were to be asked to vote for or against heredi-
tary legislation, an Established Church, and our pres-
ent illogical system of unpaid Parliamentary repre-
sentation, what would be the result? It is more than
probable that even now the majority of British sub-
jects would be in favor of the American view.

In England, no doubt, the majority would be in
favor of the ancient time-honored institutions. But
Wales and Ireland would cast heavy majorities on the
other side, and it is extremely doubtful whether Scot-
land would not go the same way. The most signifi-
cant factor, however, remains to be noticed. We boast
that we have encircled the world with self-governing
colonies, but without a single exception every one of
these colonies, while rejoicing in the shelter of the
Union Jack, and enthusiastically loyal to the person of
the Sovereign, has organized its own Constitution on
American as opposed to British lines.

Not a colony has transplanted across the seas either
a hereditary chamber, an Established Church, or the
English system of unpaid unequal representation. The

2*

Democracy of the Colonies

descendants of George III. retained the allegi-
ance of the colonies by allowing them one and all to
frame their constitution on the principles of George
Washington. The English segment of Great Britain
may be true to the distinctive British institutions, but
Greater Britain repudiates them with absolute unanim-
ity.

Mr. Whitelaw Reid was the American special rep-
resentative at the Jubilee of 1897. He saw London in
the very heyday of British loyalty and enthusiasm.
Among the thousands who thronged our capital, none
were more demonstratively loyal, more impassioned
in their expressions of devotion to the Old Country
and its institutions than the Colonial Premiers. But
Mr. Whitelaw Reid, who studied them closely, was
startled to discover that one and all of these highly
placed Ministers of the Crown were, to quote his own
phrase, "downright Yankees. '"

I asked him to explain that dark and Delphic say-
ing. He replied : 'What I mean is that these men are
not in the least like British Ministers or any of your
English politicians. Their point of view is American.
Their political ideas are the same as ours. They are
loyal to the Queen, no doubt, but that is a thing apart.
In their work-a-day politics they are as Republican as
ourselves. They start from the same principles, they
reason in the same way, and they arrive at the same
conclusions. Not one of them would tolerate a House
of Lords in his own colony, or an Established Church.
Even on Free Trade their ideas are more American
than British. In talking to them I am never conscious

22

Tottering British Institutions

of that break of gauge which I constantly feel in talk-
ing to a British statesman."

We may take it, then, as tolerably manifest that
the distinctively British institutions of a hereditary
legislature and an Established Church will not figure
among the institutions of the Reunited Race, even
though they may be left for a time in England. It is
even possible that the growth of a popular desire in
England itself to rid ourselves of these institutions may
lead indirectly to union with the great English-speak-
ing community which is freed from their evil influence.

All this means one thing and one thing only. It
is we who are going to be Americanized ; the advance
will have to be made on our side ; it is idle to hope, and
it is not at all to be desired, that the Americans will
attempt to meet us half way by saddling themselves
with institutions of which many of us are longing
earnestly to get rid.

Even if there were no other reason for this, suffi-
cient cause would be found in the fact that while every
American is an enthusiastic believer in his own Con-
stitution, it is difficult to find an Englishman who
does not admit that his own Constitution is in a very
bad way.

I do not confine this remark to the Irish, the Welsh,
and the English and Scotch Liberals. They are
naturally in revolt against the permanent veto upon
all Liberal legislation vested in the permanent ma-
jority which their political opponents enjoy in the
Upper House.

I find the bitterest complaints against the breakdown

23

Basis of American Greatness

of the constitutional machine in the Conservative
Quarterly, and in the speeches of thorough-going Min-
isterialists. The Parliamentary machine has broken
down before our eyes. That fact there is none to
dispute. Authorities differ as to the cause of the
breakdown, and they differ still more widely as to
the remedy to be employed. But not even the most
self-satisfied advocate for things as they are speaks
of the spectacle at Westminster except in accents
of shame and despair.

Contrast this with the tone in which every Ameri-
can habitually speaks, and what is more, actually thinks
of his Constitution. Mr. Bryce, in the very first
page of his admirable work on the American Common-
wealth, calls attention to the immense, almost religious,
respect which the Americans pay to their institutions.
It is not merely, says Mr. Bryce, that they are sup-
posed to form an experiment of unequalled importance
on a scale unprecedentedly vast. It is because they
are something more than an experiment ; "they are
believed to disclose and display the type of institutions
toward which, as by a law of fate, the rest of civilized
mankind are forced to move, some with swifter, others
with slower, but all with unresting feet."

When you have two parties in counsel, one of whom
is heartily ashamed of his system, while the other is
absolutely convinced that his system is so perfect
that its ultimate universal adoption is only a matter of
time, it needs no prophet to foresee which system will
be adopted as the result of their consultations. Nor
can we be surprised at the American's reverence for
his Constitution when we read the terms in which it
24

Great Britain's Need

has been spoken of by eminent Englishmen. Was it
not Mr. Gladstone who declared? —

"The American Constitution is, so far as I can see,
the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given
time by the brain and purpose of man. It has had
a century of trial, under the pressure of exigencies
caused by an expansion unexampled in point of rapid-
ity and range ; and its exemption from formal change,
though not entire, has certainly proved the sagacity
of the constructors and the stubborn strength of the
fabric." *

Nor is Mr. Bryce less emphatic, although not so
brief. Speaking of the American Constitution, he
says : —

"After all deductions, it ranks above every other
written Constitution for the intrinsic excellence
of its scheme, its adaptation to the circumstances of
the people, the simplicity, brevity, and precision of
its language, its judicious mixture of definiteness in
principle with elasticity in details." \

It is a notable and significant circumstance that
the one statesman who has repeatedly directed the
attention of the British public to the exceeding ex-
cellence of the American Constitution is none other
than the Marquis of Salisbury, the Tory Prime Min-
ister. It does not matter that what he admires most
in it is the security which it offers against reckless
innovation, and the guarantee which it gives to liberty
of contract and the right of a man to do what he

* " Gleanings of Past Years," by W.E.Gladstone, vol. i., p.
212. f Bryce's "American Commonwealth," vol. i., p 27.

25

Two Things Needed

will with his own. The fact remains that more than
once Lord Salisbury has cast a longing eye across the
Atlantic to the American Constitution, lamenting that
our own Constitution contained no such safeguards
as those provided by the wisdom of the Fathers of the
American Republic.

Still more remarkable is the declaration of Mr.
Cecil Rhodes, who long ago set forth with his accus-
tomed bluntness that for the salvation of the British
Empire only two things were needed, "Home Rule
and a preferential tariff, and if you ask me why I
believe in Home Rule and what I mean by it, I say
to you read the American Constitution."

What more need have we of witnesses?

The only consolation that can be offered to the
susceptible Briton is that the American Constitution,
like the American people, owes its origin to the island
which was the cradle of the race. The Americans,
in fashioning their Constitution, imported it from
England via France, to which country they subse-
quently re-exported it in spirit though not in form,
with results not even yet fully worked out.

Montesquieu, by his eulogistic panegyric upon the
English Constitution in his "Esprit des Loix," became
the Godfather of the American Constitution. But it
was the Puritan principles of free democracy which
we exported in the Mayflower that fashioned and pre-
pared the founders of the American Commonwealth
for their famous achievement. So it may fairly be
contended that in the Americanizing of the English-
speaking world it is the spirit of Old England rein-
carnate in the body of Uncle Sam.
26

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Third

The Americanization of Ireland

It is an interesting subject of speculation how the
Americanizing of the British Empire will be brought
about. Many forces are working steadily in that di-
rection, the significance of which is very imperfectly
revealed to our eyes. One of the chief of these is
seldom realized, for its operation is silent and subtle
as the law of gravitation.

It is, indeed, no other than the law of gravitation
operating in the political world. Among the heavenly
bodies the less revolve around the greater. The mass
tells. You cannot build a solar system in which any
of the planets is larger and heavier than the sun.

A hundred years ago Great Britain was the sun of
the political system of the English world. Her popu-
lation was 15,717,287, whereas the population of
the United States was only 5,305,925. The Ameri-
cans had torn themselves off from the British connec-
tion, but they still felt the pull which a compact mass
of 15,717,287 exercises continuously upon a body only
one-third its bulk.

27

The Power of Citizenship

For three-quarters of the century that silent force
of gravitation exerted its influence in a continually
diminishing degree, until after a time, the two nations
being equipoised, the position of the two States was
reversed. The United States now began to exert the
pull upon the United Kingdom. The operation of
this unseen force was for a time obscured, owing to
the fact that the smaller nation had taken to itself vast
masses of Asiatic and African subjects. But after
a time it was perceived that they had not made these
men citizens, and it is only citizens who count.

The hundreds of millions of dusky subjects in Hin-
dostan add nothing to the intrinsic strength of the
British people. They constitute part of the "White
Man's Burden." As elements in the problem of politi-
cal gravitation they only count because they tend to
obscure the perception of the real forces governing the
situation. The real kernel and nucleus of both States
is to be found in their white citizens.

The mutual influence of Britain on America and of
America on England depends upon the number and
the intelligence of their citizens and the intensity of
their cohesion. That cohesion is not necessarily geo-
graphical. It is in its essence moral, emotional, and in-
tellectual. In the voluntary association of free, self-
governing citizens lies the secret of the strength of the
State.

Herein we touch upon another element of weakness
which tells heavily against Great Britain in her com-
parison with the United States. The citizens of the
United States to the last man are voluntary citizens.
28

A Vulnerable Spot

They are proud of their citizenship. There are no
unwilling subjects, in the whole Republic.

There are millions, literally millions, who have been
born in other lands, but the foreign born vie with
the natives in their exultant pride in being citizens of
the United States. When we turn our eyes to the
British Empire we are confronted with a very different
state of things. Close at our doors lies a country as
populous as any but the two largest states in the
American Union, the majority of whose inhabitants
are in a chronic state of latent rebellion. The major-
ity of the Irish people acquiesce sullenly in the irre-
sistible logic of force majeure. They are not proud
of British citizenship. They loathe it. They accept
representation at Westminster solely in order that they
may use the vote which they are allowed to exercise
as the only available substitute for the pike and the
rifle the use of which is denied to them.

In this broad survey of the comparative strength
of the two great sections of the English-speaking
world it is impossible not to recognize in Ireland the
Achilles heel of the Empire. Our failure to win the
allegiance of the Irish is the most fatal element in
the sum of blunders which are transferring the leader-
ship of our race to our sons beyond the sea.

Less than forty years ago the United States of
America were torn in twain by one of the bloodiest civil
wars of our time. For nearly five years the whole na-
tion was preoccupied with fratricidal strife. In the end
the North conquered. The South, beaten flat, crushed,
desolated and despairing, sued for peace. The sececl-

29

American Political Genius

ing States were forced back into the Union at the
point of the bayonet.

But despite all waving of the "Bloody Shirt," despite
a million graves of slaughtered men, and the yawn-
ing chasm that lay between the victors and the van-
quished, the breach was healed by the re-establishment
of Home Rule. When the war broke out with Spain
no recruits rallied to the defense of the Star-spangled
banner more heartily than the sons of the men who,
under Davis and Lee, had shed their blood in the at-
tempt to destroy the Union. Uncle Sam has no un-
willing subjects, not even in the former stronghold of
secession.

The contrast between the complete reconciliation
which has been effected between North and South in
America and our utter failure to effect even a modus
Vivendi between the English, and the Irish, affords a
measure of the difference between the political genius
of the American Republic and of the British Empire.

The secret lies in the fact that the Americans have
frankly and fully recognized the principle of govern-
ment by the consent of the governed, whereas only one-
half of the English have ever accepted it. The old
virus of absolute government, which was the curse of
England in the Seventeenth Century under the Stuarts,
came back after the Commonwealth at the Restoration,
and was not entirely exorcised in 1688. It revived in
the Eighteenth Century under George III., with the
result that we lost our American colonies.

In the Nineteenth we succeeded in suppressing it
everywhere excepting in Ireland. Here, thanks to the

30

The Cost of Aggression

House of Lords, we were able to indulge the fatal pro-
pensity inherent in our Conservatives of trying to
govern a nation without its consent, against its will,
and in opposition to its ideas. As a result, we have
Ireland and the Irish as an element not of strength,
but of weakness. They are as salt in the mortar of
Empire, whose weakening and dissolving influence is
by no means confined to the United Kingdom.

The presence of unwilling subjects, of men made
citizens without their consent, is ever a source of weak-
ness to States. But so far are we from having learned
that lesson that for the last two years we have been
lavishing all the resources of the Empire in a desperate
attempt to compel within the pale of our dominions
the most stubborn and unwilling set of subjects the
world has ever seen.

An expenditure of 20,000 lives and £200,000,000
has been incurred for the purpose of forcing the South
African Dutch to submit to our dominion. We have
killed thousands and devastated their land in order to
make them "our subjects." If they had been willing
to become our fellow-citizens they would have been
a source of strength. As men forced by war to sub-
mit to our yoke they will become a source of abiding
weakness. We shall have two Irelands on our hands
instead of one, and each affords only too tempting an
opportunity for those who may use the Americanizing
trend of our time for the purpose of detaching either
or both from the Empire of which at present they
form part.

In view of the possibilities opened up before us by

31

A World-Famous Document

the catastrophe which has destroyed our self-governed
dominion in South Africa, it may not be without profit
if we were carefully to read and ponder the Declaration
of Independence by which, on July 4, 1776, our Ameri-
can colonists formally notified to the whole world their
final severance from Great Britain and their determina-
tion henceforth to work out their own destinies as
sovereign states.

I wonder how many of my British readers have
ever perused this famous document. Its reproduc-
tion here will probably cause the seizure of this book
by the military censors at Cape Town. But, not-
withstanding their objection, the Declaration, with its
carefully specified statement of the wrongs inflicted
upon the Americans by the British Government, may
be very profitably read and meditated upon to-day.
For here within the four corners of a well worn placard
are set forth in plain terms the reasons why we lost
America, and, reading between the lines, we may dis-
cover without much difficulty the reasons why we shall
lose South Africa and Ireland also, if so be that we do
not mend our ways. It is doubtful whether one Eng-
lishman in a thousand has ever read the Declaration
through from end to end. Yet a more fateful docu-
ment it would be hard to find in the whole of our
records. It is the epitaph of our Empire.

32

The Declaration of Independence
In Congress, July 4, Ml 6.

A Declaration

By the Representatives of the United States
of America

In General Congress Assembled

When in the Course of human Events, it becomes
necessary for one People to dissolve the Political
Bands which have connected them with another, and
to assume among the Powers of the Earth, the separate
and equal Station to which the Laws of Nature and
of Nature's God entitle them, a decent Respect to the
Opinions of Mankind requires that they should declare
the Causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all
Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their
Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among
these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happi-
ness. That to secure these Rights, Governments are
instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers
from the Consent of the Governed, that whenever any
Form of Government becomes destructive of these
Ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish
it, and to institute a new Government, laying its foun-
dation on such Principles, and organizing its Powers

33

The Declaration

in such Form, as to them shall seem most likely to
effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed,
will dictate that Governments long established should
not be changed for light and transient Causes; and
accordingly all Experience has shown, that Mankind
are more disposed to suffer, while Evils are sufferable,
than to right themselves by abolishing the Forms to
which they are accustomed. But when a long Train
of Abuses and Usurpations, pursuing invariably the
same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under
absolute Despotism, it is their Right, it is their Duty,
to throw off such Government, and to provide new
Guards for their future Security. Such has been the
patient sufferance of these Colonies ; and such is now
the Necessity which constrains them to alter their
former Systems of Government. The History of the
present King of Great Britain is a History of repeated
Injuries and Usurpations, all having in direct Object
the Establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these
States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a
candid World.

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most whole-
some and necessary for the public Good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of
immediate and pressing Importance, unless suspended
in their Operation till his Assent should be obtained ;
and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to
attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the Accommo-
dation of large Districts of People, unless those Peo-
ple would relinquish the Right of Representation in the

34

Of Independence

Legislature, a Right inestimable to them, and formida-
ble to Tyrants only.

He has called together Legislative Bodies at Places
unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the De-
pository of their public Records, for the sole Purpose
of fatiguing them into Compliance with his Meas-
ures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly,
for opposing with manly Firmness his Invasions on
the Rights of the People.

He has refused for a long Time after, such Disso-
lutions, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the
Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have
returned to the people at large for their exercise;
the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all
the Dangers of Invasion from without, and Convul-
sions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of
these States; for that Purpose obstructing the Laws
for Naturalization of Foreigners ; refusing to pass
others to encourage their Migrations hither, and rais-
ing the Conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by
refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary
Powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone,
for the Tenure of their Offices, and the Amount and
Payment of their Salaries.

He has erected a multitude of new Offices, and sent
hither Swarms of Officers to harass our People, and
eat out their Substance.

35

The Declaration

He has kept among us, in Times of Peace, Standing
Armies, without the Consent of our Legislatures.

He has affected to render the Military independent
of and superior to the civil Power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a
Jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unac-
knowledged by our Laws ; given his Assent to their
Acts of pretended Legislation :

For quartering large Bodies of armed Troops among
us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from pun-
ishment for any Murders which they should commit on
the Inhabitants of these States :

For cutting off our Trade with all Parts of the
World :

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent :

For depriving us, in many cases, of the Benefits of
Trial by Jury :

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pre-
tended Offenses :

For abolishing the free system of English Laws
in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an ar-
bitrary Government, and enlarging its boundaries, so
as to render it at once an Example and fit Instrument
for introducing the same Absolute Rule into these
Colonies :

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most
valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the forms
of our Governments :

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declar-

36

Of Independence

ing themselves invested with Power to legislate for us
in all Cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring
us out of his Protection, and waging War against
us.

He has plundered our Seas, ravager1 our Coasts,
burnt our Towns, and destroyed the Lives of our
People.

He is at this Time, transporting large Armies of
foreign Mercenaries to compleat the Works of Death,
Desolation, and Tyranny, already begun with Cir-
cumstances of Cruelty and Perfidy scarcely parallelled
in the most barbarous Ages, and totally unworthy
the Head of a civilized Nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive
on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country,
to become the Executioners of their Friends and
Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited Domestic Insurrections amongst us,
and has endeavored to bring on the Inhabitants of our
Frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known
Rule of Warfare is an undistinguished Destruction,
of all Ages, Sexes, and Conditions.

In every Stage of these Oppressions we have peti-
tioned for Redress, in the most humble Terms : Our
repeated Petitions have been answered only by re-
peated Injury. A Prince, whose Character is thus
marked by every Act which may define a Tyrant, is
unfit to be the Ruler of a free People.

Nor have we been wanting in Attention to our
British Brethren. We have warned them from Time

37

The Declaration

to Time of Attempts to extend an unwarrantable
Jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the
Circumstances of our Emigration and Settlement here.
We have appealed to their native Justice and Magna-
nimity, and we have conjured them by the Ties of
our Common Kindred to disavow these Usurpations,
which would inevitably interrupt our Connections and
Correspondence. They too have been deaf to the
Voice of Justice and of Consanguinity. We must,
therefore, acquiesce in the Necessity which denounces
our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of
Mankind, Enemies in War; in Peace, Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA, in GENERAL CON-
GRESS assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge
of the World for the Rectitude of our Intentions, do
in the Name and by the Authority of the good Peo-
ple of these Colonies, solemnly Publish and Declare,
That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought
to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES ; that
they are absolved from all Allegiance to the British
Crown, and that all political connection between them
and the State of Great Britain, is, and ought to be,
totally dissolved; and that as FREE AND INDE-
PENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy
War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish
Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which
INDEPENDENT STATES may of Right do. And
for the Support of this Declaration, with a firm Re-
liance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we

38

Of Independence

mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our For-
tunes, and our sacred Honor.

Signed by ORDER and on BEHALF of the
CONGRESS,

John Hancock, President.
Attest,

Charles Thompson, Secretary.

The greater part of the offenses laid at the door
of George III. in his dealing with his American colo-
nists, now lie at our doors in our dealing with the
colonists of South Africa. Nor need we be surprised
if similar causes bring about similar results. Human
nature is the same in South Africa as it was in Bos-
ton and Philadelphia. The Dutch are as stubborn
a breed as the descendants of the men of the May-
flower. If the centrifugal force is certain to make
itself felt upon the British Empire, its influence will
be earliest perceptible upon those portions of our
Empire which adhere most loosely to the parent body.
The disruption of the Empire or its gradual disin-
tegration under the superior attraction of the United
States will begin in those territories where there is
nothing to counteract the drawing power of gravitation
in the shape of national sentiment or patriotic loyalty.
In other words, the United States will have most pull
over Ireland and South Africa, for in both of these
lands the centrifugal forces of domestic discontent
will reinforce the centripetal forces outside.

The majority of the Irish in Ireland have never re-
garded the British Empire with other sentiments than

39

Ireland and England

those of hostility. Under English rule, they have seen
their religion proscribed, their lands confiscated, their
sons driven into exile. They have been denied the
right to make their own laws and mocked with a gra-
cious permission to be in a perpetual minority in an
alien Parliament. Again and again they have risen in
revolt only to learn on the scaffold and in the felon's
cell the rewards which patriotism has in store for the
wational heroes of Ireland.

During the last century they have seen their num-
bers dwindling in the land of their birth, not by the
thousand, but by the million. At the same time a
tardy confession has been wrung from the predominant
partner that for the last fifty years Ireland has been
overtaxed in comparison with England by more than
two millions per annum. The inevitable result has
followed. The majority of the Irish in Ireland re-
gard the British Government not as their friend, but as
the ally of their worst enemies, the vampire which
preys upon their heart's blood.

To the masses of the South and West of Ireland, and
to a large extent of the North, the United States is more
of a fatherland than Great Britain. They are much
more interested in what goes on in New York than
in London, or Chicago than in Westminster. It is to
England that their money goes in rent and in taxes.
It is from the United States that their money comes in
a Pactolean flood of remittances through, the post. In
the United States there were at the census of 1890
1,870,000 persons of Irish birth. Of those born of
Irish parents on American soil who can say how many

40

America and Ireland

there are ? More, it is safe to say, than are to be found
in all Ireland to-day.

If the majority of the Irish race find themselves to-
day under the Stars and Stripes, and if the majority
of the Irish in Ireland build all their hopes of success
upon the support which they can draw from their kin
beyond the sea, it is not surprising if Ireland should
afford a promising field for the disintegrating influence
of American gravitation. It was from the Irish in
America that Mr. Parnell drew the resources which
made the Land League so powerful.

It is to the Irish in America that Mr. Redmond has
gone to solicit support for the United Irish League. It
was from the American Irish that Patrick Ford col-
lected the fund for "Spreading the Light." It is in the
United States that the Clan-na-Gael has its headquar-
ters ; and it was from Chicago that the dynamitards
set out when they undertook their campaign of ter-
rorism which landed most of them in convict prisons.
For the revolutionary party in Ireland America is
their base, their banker, their recruiting ground, and
their safe retreat. Every year Ireland becomes more
and more Americanized, more and more assimilated to
the ideas of the democracy of the West.

What America has given to the Irish is something
much more valuable than dollars. It is only in the
cities of the American Union that the Irish have had
an opportunity of displaying those political gifts, the
exercise of which they were denied in their own land.
It is the fashion to sneer at the way in which the Irish
rule New York, Chicago, and half the great cities of

4*

The Genius of Irish Control

the Union. The details of their administration may
leave much to be desired, but the extraordinary fashion
in which they have succeeded in establishing their au-
thority over the richest, most energetic, and most
independent communities in the world, is one of the
most brilliant and miraculous achievements in modern
politics. Everywhere in a minority, they are every-
where in the ascendant. Denied the elementary right
of self-government in their own country on the score
of political incapacity, they have in the New World
afforded mankind one of the most signal illustrations
of the art and craft political that the modern world
has ever seen. All that may be said in criticism
of the way in which they gained or used their power
only enhances the wonder of it.

Landing at Castle Garden, penniless, ignorant, and
despised, they have made themselves in less than half
a century the overlords of the greatest cities in the
New World. The Anglo-Indian, with all the Empire
at his back, has not a firmer grip upon the administra-
tion of Calcutta than plain Richard Croker has en-
joyed for half a lifetime over the commercial capital
of America. Men who have done so much with so
little, men who have created satrapies out of nothing
and constrained the States that expelled the British to
submit to their yoke, may be criminals, but they have
in them the genius of statesmanship.

This is the more remarkable when we contrast it

with the utter failure of the British immigrant to leave

any perceptible trace on the political development of

the civic administration of the United States. In

42

The Irish Vote

1890 there were in the United States of Irish birth
1,870,000, but those of British birth were even more
numerous. The figures are as follows : —

England 909,092

Wales 100,079

Scotland 242,231

1,251,402

Canada and Newfoundland 980,938

2,232,340

From the British Isles, that vagina gentium, came
three million persons who in 1890 were resident in the
United States. Almost another million came from the
British American colonies. Four million persons born
under the Union Jack were in 1890 living under the
Stars and Stripes. What influence had this enormous
British element upon the politics or the government of
the United States, or of any one of them? The only
perceptible influence was that of the Irish minority, and
that influence has been from the first and still is stead-
ily exerted against the Empire within whose frontiers
they were born.

Every American politician recognizes the Irish vote
as a powerful factor in every election. Who has ever
been heard to speak of the English vote, the Welsh
vote, the Scotch vote? There are no such votes. The
English, the Welsh, and the Scotch are completely
Americanized and lost among the mass of American
born. The Irish alone remain distinct. The one race

43

Ireland an American State

immune to complete Americanization is, nevertheless,
the most potent enemy of Great Britain. They only
remain unassimilated in order that they may be strong
enough to assist their brethren at home in throwing
off the English yoke.

At present the prospects of the Irish cause are
brighter than they have been since the death of Mr.
Parnell. Mr. Redmond has carried to his fellow-
countrymen in the United States messages of high
hope of coming victory. We trust that the Irish may
not experience once more that disappointment which
has so often dogged their path. But what has been
may be, and the confidence excited by the re-estab-
lishment of discipline in the Nationalist ranks, may
once more be replaced by the gloom and chill of de-
spair. What then?

Is it entirely out of the pale of possible politics that a
time may come, if no closer ties of a federal nature are
established between the Empire and the Republic, when
Ireland may gravitate from the United Kingdom to the
United States? The only security against the occur-
rence of such an event has disappeared. The United
States, aspiring to be one of the first of naval powers,
has begun to realize that it is the sea which unites, the
land which divides.

It was easier for the Oregon to steam round Cape
Horn than to pierce the narrow isthmus which unites
the Americas. Their hold on the Philippines has fa-
miliarized the Americans with the possibility of
dominion over sea. Dublin is not half as far from New
York as Manitoba is from San Francisco. The

44

A Precedent in the Antilles

Americans no longer rigidly confine themselves within
the ring fence of the coast line of the oceans. They
are spreading themselves abroad. Expansion is in
the air.

Several times in the last half century relations be-
tween the Empire and the Republic have been some-
what painfully strained. Now that the United States
is conscious of its superior strength and is venturing
more to move out into the open, occasions for friction
are certain to be more numerous. If ever — which
heaven forbid — these points of friction should develop
actual collision between the two nations, Ireland would
at once become an object of supreme interest to the
Americans, as formerly it was to the French.

As for the Irish, their maxim, "England's extremity
is Ireland's opportunity, " has been too well engraved
into their consciousness for them not to realize the im-
portance of utilizing such an occasion to the uttermost.
Quite apart from all other possibilities, the never-to-be-
overlooked chance that some day Britain may be at
war, makes it the imperative duty of every American
statesman not to let slip any opportunity that might
render more certain and more valuable the support of
Ireland in such a quarrel.

This is assuming that the cause of dispute may be
one altogether extraneous to Ireland. But we cannot
overlook the possibility that Ireland itself might form
the casus belli.

The only foreign war which Americans of this gen-
eration have waged was fought for the liberation of
Cuba. Cuba was the Spaniard's Ireland. The Pearl
of the Antilles, like the Emerald Isle, had suffered for

45

A Cry from Erin

centuries from the unsympathetic rule of alien con-
querors. The Cubans, like the Irish, were savagely
discontented.

Like the Irish, although not nearly to the same ex-
tent, they had friends and sympathizers in all the great
American cities. Cuba, like Ireland, was bled to death
by the rapacity of the foreigner. At last, after long
hesitation, the full cup of Spain's iniquities overflowed,
the Americans rose and smote down with one smash-
ing blow the rule of the Dons in the West Indies. The
war was brief, brilliant, and decisive As the result the
islands which Weyler had wasted with sword and flame
are enjoying a prosperity before unheard of. And the
American people as a whole are exceedingly well
pleased at the result of their first essay as a liberating
Power.

All these things render it by no means improbable
that a piteous appeal from the Irish after the next
famine, or, more likely still, after the next abortive
insurrection, will find the American ear quick to hear
the cry from weeping Erin, "Come over and help us."
Probably most of my readers will shrug their shoul-
ders at this speculation, and dismiss it as fantastic
nonsense.

To all such I will put but one question. Do they
imagine for one moment that if British generals were
to put in force against Irish insurgents of the Twentieth
Century all the pitch cap devilries of 1798, any power
on earth would be able to keep the American people
from interposing between our soldiery and their vic-
tims? There is not an American city which has not

46

What Ireland Might Do

among its most influential men some one who was
born in the country which was desolated by our
dragoons.

The cry of anguish that would rise from the fire-
blasted country, in Connaught and in Munster, would
reverberate through every American city. The mem-
ories of the old blood feud would revive. The
shade of Washington would be invoked against the
descendants of the men whom he drove from the
United States, and the sword of Columbia would not
be returned to its scabbard before Ireland had been
placed beside Cuba among the proud trophies of the
humanitarian and liberating zeal of the American
people.

If this is the outlook in Ireland, what can we say
about that other Ireland which our rulers are, with in-
credible fatality, wasting our substance in manufac-
turing in South Africa? It is probable that the dis-
integrating influence of the United States will be felt
more speedily in Cape Town, in Kimberley, and in
Johannesburg, than in Dublin, Cork, and Belfast.

This speculation may seem fantastic to those who
have never reflected upon the extraordinary rapidity
with which nations discover that they have a provi-
dential mission to assist the oppressed when their in-
terests or their passions lead them to desire a pretext
for interference. But it is as well to remember that,
as far back as 1896, Mr. William O'Brien declared in
the pages of the Nineteenth Century the possibility of
American intervention on behalf of Ireland. He even
suggested that after the next general election all the

47

Irish-American Sympathy

Nationalist members returned for Irish constituencies
should refuse to come to Westminster, but should pro-
ceed to Washington to formally lay their appeal before
the Congress of the United States.

The article was entitled, "If Ireland sent her M.P.'s
to Washington." It opened with the suggestion that
the first business that an Anglo-American Court of
Arbitration would have to deal with would be the rela-
tions between Great Britain and Ireland. The most
notable passage in the article runs as follows: "Sup-
posing that the Irish electors should say, 'Enough of
idle babble in the English Parliament. We will elect
representatives pledged not to go to Westminster, but
to Washington to lay the case of Ireland before the
President and Congress of the United States with all
the solemnity of a nation's appeal, and to invoke the
intervention which was so successful in the case of
Venezuela.' Eighty-two Irish members, five-sixths of
the Irish representation, transferred from the Parlia-
ment of England to the Congress of the United States
by deliberate national decree, would represent an in-
ternational event of whose importance the most su-
percilious jingo would not affect to make light."

Mr. O'Brien thought that if such a pilgrimage took
place, the Irish representatives would be received with
open arms. He said "the public opinion of the United
States could not resist such an appeal from Ireland. I
think few will doubt it who know the depth of Ameri-
can sympathy with Ireland, and the interest that all
Americans, and not the least, Irish Americans, have
in eliminating the Irish question from their own in-

48

Stars and Stripes over Ireland

ternal politics. Enlightened Englishmen who desire
at one and the same time to conciliate Ireland, and to
deliver the United States and England from periodical
fits of war fever, ought to be the first to welcome the
intervention of the new Court of Arbitration in Irish
affairs. It would turn a controversy which may easily
enough be the beginning of a new and implacable
quarrel between the two great English-speaking Pow-
ers into a pledge of genuine amity between them. What
seems to me reasonably certain," said Mr. O'Brien five
years ago, "is that the centre of gravity of the Irish
difficulty some time to come is about to shift from
Westminster to Washington."

Mr. McHugh, who, fresh from a British dungeon,
accompanied by Mr. Redmond in 1901, in his pilgrim-
age to the United States, boldly proclaimed his belief
that Ireland would soon take a greater step forward
and would demand admittance into the Union as one
of the United States. Too much importance need not
be attached to such suggestions, which are often thrown
out like sparks to dazzle and to expire. But in view of
the widespread recognition on the part of many Eng-
lish-speaking men on this side of the Atlantic, of
the imminent desirability, not to say necessity, of
creating a great English-speaking political interna-
tional trust, these suggestions are not without their
significance.

Certain persons, who form their estimate of Ameri-
can public opinion solely from the utterances of the
wealthy classes in New York, may scout the idea that
any sane or statesmanlike American would ever enter-
tain the suggestion put forward by Mr. William

49

Stars and Stripes over Ireland

O'Brien. If they look a little below the surface, or if
they extend their investigations into American public
opinion a little further they would modify their con-
clusion.

Nine years ago this very subject was discussed by
one of the sanest and most sagacious of American
writers in an article published in the Contemporary
Review of September, 1892. In this paper Dr. Shaw,
who had been asked by the editor to set forth in plain
terms what was the American view of Home Rule and
Federation, referred to the possible consequences that"
might result from the refusal of the predominant part-
ner to concede Home Rule to Ireland.

"If England persisted in this course," said Dr. Shaw,
"Ireland itself might falter in its loyalty at some time
of crisis. We do not want Ireland, yet obviously we
could make her very comfortable and happy as a State
in our Union. And in the nature of things it is not
easy to see why the American flag might not float over
the Emerald Isle with as much propriety as the British
flag in territories contiguous to our border. More-
over, there might be much moral justification for our
reception of Ireland in the fact that we should at once
give that community a place in a rational system of
political organization, and promote its general welfare
and progress, whereas without Home Rule it must re-
main in a distraught condition. Our mission in Ireland
would be the same as England professes in Egypt — to
pacify, restore, and bless. But we could have no object
in undertaking this expensive annexation of Ireland
except the welfare of humanity and the progress of the
English-speaking communities of the world."
50

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Fourth

Of South Africa

No phrase has been more frequently used in the dis-
cussion of the South African question than that the
policy of Mr. Chamberlain is creating for us "another
Ireland in South Africa." Without striking into the
forbidden path of political controversy it suffices to
point out that Mr. Chamberlain himself has warned us
that when his war has been brought to a close we shall
require to maintain for an indefinite time a standing
army of 50,000 men in South Africa in order to enforce
the obedience of the 300,000 unwilling subjects whom
we have determined to compel to remain within the
borders of the Empire.

Since that calculation has been made the British
garrison in South Africa has been steadily maintained
at a figure considerably above 200,000. Even now the
military expert of The Times calculates that in the first
six months after all fighting has ceased it will be only
possible to recall 30,000 men, and that we must con-
template the necessity of maintaining for a time, to

5i

The Future of South Africa

which no limit can be placed, an armed force of 170,000
men. But the number of bayonets upon which we shall
find it necessary to sit in our South African dominions
is a detail.

Whether they are 50,000 or 170,000 or 200,000,
the seat will be equally uncomfortable, the only
difference being one of expenditure. The funda-
mental point to be kept in view is that in South Africa
it may be for years or it may be for generations, we
have deliberately elected to establish our dominion by
reliance upon military force. Before the war our Em-
pire in South Africa was one of consent. After the
war it will be one of conquest maintained by an armed
garrison.

The Dutch of Cape Colony, who were so loyal im-
mediately before the war as to take the lead of every
Colony in the Empire in voting an annual subsidy for
the maintenance of the British fleet, are being con-
verted into implacable enemies of our rule. But it is
probable that the force which will dislodge the Afri-
kander Commonwealth from the position to which we
have destined it in the orbit of the British Empire, and
which will convert it into one of the stars in the con-
stellation of the United States of America, will not in
the first instance at least be Dutch. We shall lose
South Africa, not by the armed revolt of our alien-
ated subjects, but because we can no longer depend
upon the support and co-operation in maintaining our
authority over the much more immediately dangerous
and uncontrollable element which we are doing our
best to bring into existence in Johannesburg.

52

The Jameson Conspiracy

In order to understand the true inwardness of this
observation it is necessary to go back to the fatal mo-
ment in South African history when Mr. Rhodes de-
cided to enter upon that which is known in history as
the Jameson Conspiracy.

So little is known of the inner springs of political
action, that it is possible most of my American readers
will hear for the first time in these pages that the pres-
ent disastrous war in South Africa is the direct result
of a jealousy of American influence. It is common
ground that this war dates from the Jameson Raid.
The raid begat the armaments, the armaments begat
Lord Milner's intervention, and that intervention
brought on the war. But what begat the raid ? Upon
this point I can speak with authority, as I have fre-
quently heard the whole story of that most disastrous
blunder from the lips of the man who conceived the
conspiracy, and risked everything in order to carry
it out.

No mistake- can be greater than the vulgar error of
imagining that Mr. Rhodes hatched the Jameson con-
spiracy out of any animosity or fear of the Boers.
Mr. Rhodes has always been very partial to the Dutch.
Man for man, he knows that the Boer is a better phys-
ical, virile creature than the city-bred people of Great
Britain. Politically, he had always worked with them.
He never would have been Premier except by their
aid, and no man ever formulated more emphatically the
axiom that without the support of the Dutch you can-
not govern South Africa.

Why, then, did he enter into a conspiracy to over-

53

Cecil Rhodes' Mistake

throw President Kruger? Mr. Rhodes' own answer to
this, which I have heard many times from his own
lips, is that his object was not primarily but only
incidentally to overthrow Kruger. His one supreme
aim was to capture the Outlanders, to secure their
allegiance to the British Empire, and to avert the one
thing he dreaded most of all, the establishment of what
he called an American Republic in the Transvaal,
which, in his own vigorous phrase, would have been
ten times more a child of the devil for us to deal
with than Paul Kruger had ever been.

Mr. Rhodes was a little too previous in his calcula-
tions— a fault on virtue's side, especially in these days,
when our Ministers seem congenitally incapable of an
intelligent anticipation of events to come. But to un-
derstand a miscalculation after the event is easy. It is
more difficult to foresee. What Mr. Rhodes thought
he saw was the Rand filling up with a heterogeneous
conglomerate of adventurous, unscrupulous, unat-
tached mortals, all intent primarily upon making their
fortune. These men outnumbered the adult burghers
of the Transvaal by four to one. The Boers were prac-
tically unarmed, without even adequate supply of cart-
ridges for their rifles, except for protection against the
natives. Their artillery was worthless.

Although some attempt had been made to construct
a fort to overawe Johannesburg, they were utterly
unprepared for a coup de main. The previous elec-
tion for President had shown the existence of a very
strong minority hostile to Paul Kruger. Mr. Rhodes
was led to believe by his confidential informants that
54

Cecil Rhodes' Mistake

the Outlanders were not :n the mood to tolerate any
longer the authority of the Boers. Their leaders were
represented as being only one degree less hostile to
the British Government than they were to President
Kruger, the cause of their complaint being the fact
that Mr. Rhodes and the High Commissioner had
never given them any effective assistance in their cam-
paign against Krugerism.

The Outlanders were men who had at their disposi-
tion the enormous wealth of the Rand, that treasure of
the Nibelungs which has drenched the veldt with hu-
man blood — they were men of all nationalities and of
none — and even those who came from Great Britain
and the Colonies held very loosely to the Empire.
Conspicuous among those were the Irish and the
miners, whom Mr. Rhodes described as the "Sydney
Bulletin Australians."

The Sydney Bulletin, it may here be explained, is
an extremely able weekly illustrated paper, published
in Sydney, which neither fears God nor reverences
the King, and which makes British Imperialism the fa-
vorite butt of its attacks. German Jews, Frenchmen,
Russians, Poles, Hollanders, and Americans — it was
a motley crowd that the great golden magnet had at-
tracted to Johannesburg — of which one thing at least
could be stated without hesitation, viz., that it had as
little enthusiasm for the Union Jack or for anything
more ideal than dollars and cents as any assemblage of
human beings that could be collected on the planet.
It was a godless crew, of whom one shrewd observer
remarked, that it was too much addicted to gambling,

55

The Fatal Blunder

women, and whisky to have the proper revolutionary
fibre.

But gross mammon-worshipper though it might be,
Mr. Rhodes believed it was the brain as well as the
pocket of Africa. He knew it was fretfully impatient
of the irksome restrictions enforced by President
Kruger. He underestimated the resisting force of the
Boers, and believed that at any moment the news
might come that a bloodless revolution had taken
place in the Transvaal, that Paul Kruger had disap-
peared, and that in his place he would have to deal
with a President of a new Republic flushed with vic-
tory, angry at being refused all help, and very much
inclined to pay off old scores by being much more anti-
British than the Boers had been.

"In fact," said Mr. Rhodes to me when he was ex-
plaining how it was he came to make the one fatal
blunder of his career, — "it seemed to me quite certain
that if I did not take a hand in the game the forces on
the spot would soon make short work of President
Kruger. Then I should be face to face with an Amer-
ican Republic — American in the sense of being intense-
ly hostile to and jealous of Britain — an American Re-
public largely manned by Americans and Sydney Bul-
letin Australians who cared nothing for the old flag.
They would have all the wealth of the Rand at their
disposal. The drawing power of the Outlander Re-
public would have collected round it all the other
Colonies. They would have federated with it as a
centre, and we should have lost South Africa. To

56

The South African Republic

avert this catastrophe, to rope in the Outlanders be-
fore it was too late, I did what I did."

Repeated conversations with Mr. Rhodes, even so
recently as last autumn, found him unchanged in the
conviction that the danger of that American Republic
in the heart of South Africa justified his conspiracy.
Kruger was doomed anyhow. It was for England to
stand in with the Rising Sun.

Not only will Americans be interested in knowing the
true story of the genesis of the Jameson conspiracy,
they will be not less surprised to know that its failure
was largely due to President Cleveland's message on
the Venezuelan Question. The Jameson Conspiracy,
as originally planned, based its hope of success upon
a revolutionary movement in Johannesburg, in which
all nationalities were to take part. Conspicuous among
the conspirators were the Americans, John Hays Ham-
mond and Captain Mein, and round them were several
other Americans whose sympathies were enlisted by
the idea that they were in some way emulating the
exploits of the fathers of the Revolution in overthrow-
ing a new George III. in the person of President
. Kruger.

When Mr. Chamberlain made it the condition of his
connivance in the conspiracy that Dr. Jameson should
go in under the British flag, and that the next Gov-
ernor of the Transvaal should be appointed by the
Colonial Office, he hamstrung the one chance of suc-
cess which the conspiracy had possessed. His con-
dition about the flag was suppressed for a while, but
the news leaked out just about the time when the anti-

57

The Conspiracy that Failed

British sentiment among Americans everywhere was
excited to fever heat by President Cleveland's message
about Venezuela. The immediate result was that the
American members of the Johannesburg Conspiracy
flatly refused to go on with the revolution. They
said they were willing to stake their lives for a bona
fide revolution, to make a clean sweep of the Kruger-
ites and put up a better government in its stead, but
they point blank and in set terms refused to go another
step in what they described as a job to "gobble up"
the Transvaal for England.

Explanations and disclosures were forthcoming, but
the mischief was done. The whole revolutionary
movement had received its death blow when the Amer-
icans discovered Mr. Chamberlain's design. The sub-
sequent effort of Dr. Jameson to galvanize the revolu-
tion into life need not be referred to here, excepting to
say that the responsibility for this fiasco lies primarily
at the door of the Colonial Minister, whose "Hurry
up" messages were admittedly inspired by a desire to
get the revolutoin over before the Venezuelan-Amer-
ican trouble became acute.

The story how that conspiracy miscarried is ancient
history. Dr. Jameson and his men, Mr. Rhodes and
all their backers, fared as men usually do who sell the
lion's skin before the lion is dead. But the impor-
tant point is that standpoint of Mr. Rhodes, and the
fact that in his opinion the danger point to the Empire
in South Africa five years ago was not to be sought
among the Dutch but among the Outlanders, and
what Mr. Rhodes saw then is doubly true to-day. The

58

Reconstruction

real danger that threatens the Empire in South Africa
is not to be found so much in the sleepless hostility
of the Dutch, whose homes have been burned and
whose children have been done to death, as one of the
humane corollaries of the policy of devastation and
farm burning. It is to be found in the cosmopolitan
population whom we are summoning back to the Rand.

It is a common error to maintain that the Outlanders
love us, and that even if they did not love us before
the war we have purchased their affection, admiration,
and loyalty by the immensity of the sacrifice in the last
two years. That, however, is not the way in which the
Outlander looks at it at all. He considers that British
incompetence, British shortsightedness, and the insuf-
ferable arrogance and ignorance of our military
officers, have subjected him for two years to privations
which he would never have suffered if we had shown
ordinary capacity in the conduct of the war. Between
the mining community and the military satraps who
act upon their own prejudice and caprice, and are
responsible for martial law throughout the whole of
South Africa, there is a bitter feud. No Dutchman
speaks with such contempt of the British military
authorities as do the men on whose behalf the whole of
our sacrifices have been incurred.

Two years' experience in refugee camps in Cape
Town and Natal have not sweetened the temper of
these quondam political helots who aroused the gush-
ing sympathy of Lord Milner. They will return, and
with them will return a horde of political adventurers
from all parts of the world. In the next twenty

59

Difficult Element

years ^300,000,000 sterling will be extracted from the
mines of the Rand, and where the carcase is there
will the vultures be gathered together. It is confi-
dently calculated that the white mining population that
will throng to the Rand will number a minimum of
a quarter of a million, and possibly there may be as
many as 350,000. The population will be preponder-
antly male, but it will not be anything like preponder-
antly British. There will be any number of Ameri-
cans, the Sydney Bulletin Australians will come once
more to the front, there will be swarms of Polish Jews,
and any number of adventurous Frenchmen, Germans,
Russians, and Dutch.

These men will go there with one object, and that
is to enrich themselves as rapidly as possible, and no
community in the world will be more impatient of
any restriction upon their liberty or of the imposition
of any burdens which in their opinions ought not to
be imposed upon them without their consent. Im-
agine this cosmopolitan community of gold-seekers
compelled to submit to the arbitrary restrictions of
military rule, taxed without their consent, and saddled
with a large share of what they regard as the alto-
gether unnecessary expenditure which was caused by
the blundering incompetence of the British Government
and British military authorities. It is not pretended
that for years to come there will be anything in the
shape of free Parliamentary government established
in any part of South Africa. On the contrary, we afe
told every day that it may be years or it may be genera-
tions before the rule of the sword is replaced.
60

An Opinion of Chamberlain

We are further told by those excellent ministers of
the Gospel under whose benediction the war has
been waged, that as the result of our sacrifices Down-
ing Street is going to settle the native question in
South Africa upon the principles of Exeter Hall.
What will be the result ? Two years will not pass be-
fore we have Johannesburg in a seething mass of dis-
content, a charged mine to which a match may at
any moment be accidentally applied. You only need
to move among the leading members of the mining
community either in London or in Africa to under-
stand what the future has in store for us. "How long
do you Outlanders" — I asked an eminent reformer
who had done time in jail for his share in the Jame-
son conspiracy — "how long do you think you can
tolerate Crown Colony government in Johannesburg?"
— "Some people," he said, "say eighteen months. So
far as my people are concerned, I should think that
about two days is as much as they could stand."

From him, as from another still more eminent
authority, I heard the bitterest complaints concerning
the ignorance and arrogance of the Colonial Secretary.
"President Kruger at his worst," said one whose stake
in the Rand is second to none — "President Kruger at
his worst was an angel of light compared with Mr.
Chamberlain. The man is as pig-headed as he is
ignorant, and as unapproachable as the Mikado in old
times. Does he think that we are Hottentots, that
we can be governed in this fashion? We are not
Hottentots, and that he will soon find out." Evidence
multiplies on every hand to show that when the mines

61

New Conditions

get to work again, the Outlanders will sigh for the
fleshpots of Egypt in the old days of Paul Kruger.
I have already referred to the native question as that
in which the interests of the mine owner and the
philanthropic interests of the British public are likely
to come into sharp collision.

There are many other questions. Take, for in-
stance, the question of federation. It is always said
that we are going to create a new federated Empire
in South Africa. "If you want federation," said one
of the rich men of the Rand to me quite recently, "you
had better federate before we get back. You cer-
tainly will never federate after we once have felt our
strength. Why should we federate? What does fed-
eration mean to us? It means first and foremost that
you intend to tie round our neck as a millstone the
railway debt of Natal and Cape Colony. It means
that you are going to saddle us with a responsibility
for paying interest on £45 ,000,000 invested in railways
which would never earn more than 1 per cent, if it
were not for us. What have we to do with the Cape
lines? Delagoa Bay is our port. Leave us to our-
selves and we shall double the line to Delagoa Bay,
and that will supply all that we want much more
cheaply and rapidly than we could bring anything from
Durban or the Cape."

If any one wants to understand exactly the rela-
tion that will exist between the returned Outlanders
when the lines get into operation again and the mili-
tary authorities who must of necessity for a long
time be charged with the control of the country, he

62

Crown Colony

can see it as in a magic mirror if he will take the
trouble to recall the relations which existed between
Colonel Kekewich and Mr. Rhodes during the siege
of Kimberley. The soldier despises the mine-owner,
and the latter repays his contempt with interest. On
the other hand, the war has created a genuine feeling
of respect between the fighting Colonist and the fight-
ing Boer.

Upon that basis of mutual respect mutual co-opera-
tion could very rapidly be arranged if once a question
arose in which they had a common enemy. That com-
mon enemy will not be far to seek. In any collision
that may arise between Downing Street and Johan-
nesburg, Downing Street will be helpless, because
Johannesburg can always striks up a fighting alliance
with the Dutch, whereas Downing Street can never
rely upon Dutch support, at least during the lifetime
of this generation.

What seems probable, therefore, is that if the war
should ever come to an end, and a cosmopolitan popu-
lation of gold diggers should place 250,000 men on the
Rand, the community will insist upon governing itself
in its own way. They will form precisely that "Ameri-
can Republic," although probably not under the name
of a republic, which Mr. Rhodes saw afar off and
endeavored to avert. Any attempt on our part to
compel them to pay taxes to which they have not
consented would be followed by an African imita-
tion of the Tea Party in Boston harbor. And any
attempt to punish such defiance of our authority would

6Z

A New Republic

immediately precipitate an alliance with the Afrikan-
ders which would leave us powerless, no matter how
strong our garrison, and so the British Empire will
perish in South Africa, smitten down by the very
Outlanders on whose behalf we are supposed to have
waged this war.

This speculation may seem to many far-fetched,
but the premises upon which the calculations are based
are indisputable. We are going to try the experi-
ment of governing an adventurous community, accus-
tomed to liberty, by what — however disguised — is in
reality a military despotism. We intend to impose
taxes upon this community without their consent ;
we are pledged to secure rights and privileges for
the natives, any attempt to fulfil which would afford
a common platform for Boer and Outlander. These
are the difficulties which Mr. Rhodes foresaw in 1895,
but at that time England at the worst could always
rely upon the support of the Dutch in South Africa
in maintaining her authority.

There was no danger of a revolt on the Rand
against the paramountcy of Britain when all the
farmers in South Africa could be relied upon to sup-
port the Empire against the Rand. But to-day we
have destroyed the only force upon which we could
rely, in South Africa, and we shall be reduced to the
humiliating alternative of allowing Johannesburg to
govern South Africa according to its own sweet will
and pleasure, or of precipitating a struggle which
could only have the same result. If at the end of it all

64

American Influences

we are permitted to retain Simon's Bay as a coaling-
station for our Navy, we may consider ourselves lucky.
The Afrikander Commonwealth may split off from
the British Empire. It does not exactly follow that
it will array itself under the Stars and Stripes. But,
on the other hand, there are several influences which
may tend in that direction.

In the first place very many of the most energetic
citizens in Johannesburg will be American citizens.
In the second place they will, for some time at least,
be in very strained relations with Great Britain. What
would be more natural than for them to seek support
in the sister republic across the seas?

Great Britain would not be the only Power against
which the Afrikander Commonwealth might find that
it needed the friendly protection of a first-class fleet.
German territory marches with that which is now
British South Africa, both on the east and west, and
German ambition has often marked Dutch South
Africa as her natural inheritance.

Nor is fear the only motive which might drive the
Afrikanders under the sheltering wing of the Ameri-
can Eagle. Delagoa Bay, from the point of view of
international law, thanks to the unfortunate award
of Marshal MacMahon, belongs by sovereign right
to Portugal; but the ground around Delagoa Bay is
held as real estate by the millionaires of the Rand.
They will attempt in the first case to deal with Portu-
gal, but if they fail, it is by no means improbable that
if they were assured of the support of a strong navy,

65

Commercial Invasion

they would attempt to secure the right of ownership
to what is, after all, the front door of their own house.
Add to this the fact that the possibility of a native
rising can never be absent from the minds of the
white minority in South Africa. Australians may do
as they please, their natives are too few and too weak
to menace their peace. In Africa it is different. The
menacing figure of the Kaffir is never absent from
the South African landscape. The Afrikanders would
feel much more comfortable if they knew that, should
the worst come to the worst, they could always count
upon reinforcements from beyond the sea in case of
a native rising, and where else could they hope to
secure that after the breach with England excepting
from the United States?

But it will be said that the sister republic will have
nothing to do with them, and as proof of this we shall
be referred to the cold-blooded fashion in which Presi-
dent McKinley left the South African Republics to
their fate. But many circumstances combined to ren-
der it difficult for President McKinley to take any
other course. The United States had just emerged
from a war in which they believed, rightly or wrongly,
that they had been saved from a hostile European com-
bination by the benevolent neutrality and veiled alli-
ance of Great Britain.

They were also waging a war of their own in the
Philippines which rendered it practically impossible
for them to pose as the champions of a nation rightly
struggling to be free. And, in the third place, there

66

Quid Pro Quo

will be a very great difference between an English-
speaking republic, largely officered by Americans, ap-
pealing to Washington against an attempt on the part
of the British Empire to enforce the principle of taxa-
tion without representation, and a similar appeal which
came to the same republic from Dutch-speaking States
which were popularly believed to be little better than
barbarians offering a vain resistance to the onward
march of civilization. Fiscal considerations are also
likely to pull in the same direction.

The United States has been diligently preparing
to invade the South African market as soon as the
war affords them an opportunity. Mr. Roosevelt, in
carrying out the policy of President McKinley, and
using the tariff as a means of securing reciprocal con-
cessions in the shape of reductions of tariff on Ameri-
can goods, would be able to offer very tempting terms
to the Afrikander Commonwealth.

The Kimberley mines export every year nearly five
million pounds' worth of diamonds to all parts of
the world. Upon these diamonds the American cus-
toms duty is ten per cent. Here is an opportunity of
making a reduction in return for a quid pro quo. The
United States in 1900 exported to South Africa goods
valued at twenty million dollars, not including imports
for military use or American goods shipped in Eng-
land. This showed an increase of three and a half
million dollars over the preceding twelve months, not-
withstanding the drop that was occasioned by the war,
which practically extinguished the demand for agn-

67

Quid Pro Quo

cultural machinery. Supposing that Mr. Roosevelt is
able to do a deal with Mr. Rhodes, cutting the duty on
diamonds by fifty per cent, in return for a similar cut
on duties charged on American imports into the Cape,
who could complain ?

Between July ist, 1899, and January 31st, 1901,
the Cape Government imported twenty American loco-
motives, and since then they have been buying exten-
sively in the United States. From the account given
by Mr. C. Elliott, ex-General Manager of the Cape
Railway Administration, the Americans not only sup-
plied the engines on trust, but they returned £450 on
six locomotives, stating that the cost of construction
had not been so great as was anticipated. The Ameri-
cans having got hold are not to be shaken off. Mr.
Pingree's visit to the seat of war last year, in the joint
interest of political curiosity and the promotion of
the sale of American boots, was but one among many
illustrations of the care and thoroughness with which
the Americans are preparing to seize the South Afri-
can market. They leave to us the cost, the risk, the
sacrifices of the war. They reserve to themselves the
profit to be made by exporting American goods to the
customers who will be left alive at the close of the
war.

Few things seem less improbable than that the
Afrikander Commonwealth, under the leadership of
Johannesburg, if constituted as an independent re-
public, might very soon find itself in friendly treaty
alliance with the United States.

65

Quid Pro Quo

The experiment, therefore, of attempting to enforce
our dominion over unwilling subjects in South Africa
is likely to terminate disastrously for the Empire. The
fact that what would be a source of weakness to Great
Britain would be a source of strength to the United
States is due solely to the difference between willing
and unwilling subjects.

69

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Fifth

Of the "West Indies and Thereabouts

We now turn from what may be regarded as the
diseased members of the British Empire, who being
in unwilling and enforced subjection, can be counted
upon to lose no opportunity of transferring their
allegiance from the King to the President of the United
States, to those parts of the British Empire which
are most likely to succumb to the operation of the
law of political gravitation.

In the case of the United States the force of this
is likely to be felt most strongly in the West Indian
islands. The British flag at the present moment is
flying over a series of archipelagoes of small islands
lying in the Caribbean Sea immediately to the south
of Florida and at the doorstep of the United States.

70

Jamaica's Decline

Of these islands by far the most important is Ja-
maica, after which come Trinidad and Barbadoes.
The others are islets rather than islands, but together
they figure conspicuously in the list of British posses-
sions in North America.

Distinct from the West Indian group, lying farther
to the northeast are the Bahamas, and still farther
away lie the islands of Bermuda. The Bermudas are
coming more and more to hold the relation to the
United States which the Channel Islands hold to
France. Although lying close at her doors, they are
under a foreign flag, and they attract every year an
increasing number of visitors from the mainland.
The West Indian islands, these "summer isles of
Eden set in azure seas," which excited the enthusiasm
of Charles Kingsley, and many another traveller before
and since, have long been the despair of our Colonial
Office. Mr. Chamberlain has been engaged, ever
since his accession to office, in a desperate endeavor
to restore some semblance of prosperity to our un-
fortunate possessions which have been ruined by the
sugar bounties.

Jamaica possesses an exceptional interest, for it was
the only colony founded by Oliver Cromwell. Like
many another colony, it came into existence by acci-
dent rather than design. The great naval expedition
which he launched to attack the power of Spain in
San Domingo miscarried and picked up Jamaica as a
kind of consolation prize. For nearly 200 years after
its annexation Jamaica prospered. It survived the
emancipation of the slaves. But it received a deadly

71

Jamaica's Decline

wound when the imposition of the sugar bounties in
the interests of beet sugar ruined the cane sugar plan-
tations of the West Indies.

Mr. Brooks Adams, in a remarkable and very som-
bre paper on "England's Decadence in the West In-
dies/' republished by Macmillan in "America's Eco-
omic Supremacy," attributes the destruction of the
West Indies to the policy of Germany. He says:
"Taken in all its ramifications this destruction of the
sugar interest may probably be reckoned the heaviest
financial blow that a competitor has ever dealt Great
Britain."

Towards 1880 the British West Indies made a profit
calculated at about £6,500,000 per annum. Germany
ruined the West Indies by adherence to Napoleon's
policy of attack. For nearly three generations the
chief Continental nations, with hostile intent, paid
bounties on the export of sugar.

In August, 1896, Germany and Austria doubled their
bounties, and the following spring France advanced
hers. The English got their sugar cheaper at the
cost of the taxpayers of the Continent, but the cane
sugar industry was practically destroyed ; the islands
of Dominica and Santa Lucia have become almost
wildernesses ; the whole archipelago has been blighted.
Our consumption of sugar has enormously increased.
In 1869 every Englishman consumed 42 lbs. of sugar
as against 35 lbs. in the United States. The other
countries varied from the Italian minimum of 7 lbs.
per head to a maximum of 28 lbs. in France.

72

From Bad to Worse

As the result of artificial cheapening of sugar by
means of subsidies the English consumption per head
rose in 1897 to 84 lbs., that is to say, while the price
of sugar was reduced by one-half the consumption of
sugar doubled. Our sugar bill remained the same,
but every man, woman, and child of us doubled his
consumption. Mr. Brooks Adams thinks that we acted
unwisely in accepting the bribe offered us in the
shape of cheap sugar. In his opinion we should have
fought the bounties by countervailing duties, and so
have warded off the blow that was levelled against
the prosperity of our own colonies.

Be that as it may, there is no doubt as to what is
the opinion of the West Indian planters. They main-
tain that the bounty system was not fair competition,
and that they have been sacrificed on the altar of a
doctrinaire Free Trade. The subsequent efforts which
have been made by Mr. Chamberlain to restore the
prosperity of these islands have not been remarkably
successful.

For a long time past they have been sinking from
bad to worse until in the last decade of the Nineteenth
Century it became evident that something must be
done, and done at once, if our West Indian Colonies
were not to go bankrupt. Mr. Chamberlain appointed
a Commission, of which Sir Edward Grey was the
most important member. It issued a report, and Mr.
Chamberlain has ever since been more or less strenu-
ously endeavoring to carry out its recommendations.
So far the activity of the Colonial Secretary does
not appear to have been fraught with much benefit

73

From Bad to Worse

to the Colony. The impoverished inhabitants are
much more painfully conscious of the immediate in-
crease in taxation which the changes have involved
than the more or less remote and hypothetical advan-
tages which they are promised in the future. A sub-
sidy to a line of cargo steamers has not been suffi-
cient to bring the up-country negro into immediate
touch with Covent Garden market, and discontent
seems to be rife in the island, which in some districts
resembles nothing so much as a huge pauper warren.

There are some Jamaicans, indeed, who complain
bitterly that Mr. Chamberlain's method of promoting
the prosperity of Jamaica bears too much resemblance
to the time-honored expedient of feeding a dog with a
piece of his own tail.

It will be admitted even by the greatest optimist
that the state of Jamaica and of the other West In-
dian Colonies still leaves much to be desired, and it is
equally indisputable that West Indians themselves at-
tribute their disasters to the fiscal policy of the Em-
pire to which they belong. Not only so, but the fact
that the inhabitants did not suffer even worse things
they attribute to the enterprise of a Boston man who
established a flourishing trade in bananas with the
United States. A writer in the Daily Telegraph of
Jamaica, says: "Poor impoverished Jamaica should
never be ungrateful to America for making markets
for our sugars and bananas during a period when in
England the policy was, 'Oh, cut the painter, and let
the colonies go !' "

It is not so long since the United States admitted

74

American Encouragement

West Indian sugar free of duty, and that fact is not
forgotten in Jamaica. Mr. Chamberlain has no doubt
endeavored to develop trade between Jamaica and the
Mother Country, but so far with singularly little suc-
cess. Lord Pirbright, writing in the National Review
for December, 1896, declared that Mr. Chamberlain's
policy was foredoomed to failure, and that the re-
fusal to adopt a policy of retaliation for the purpose
of fighting the sugar bounties would inevitably result
in the loss of the sugar colonies.

He wrote : "We cannot strengthen the bonds of loy-
alty which hold the West Indies to the. Mother Coun-
try by the promise of eleemosynary doles which are to
compensate them for the loss of their flourishing in-
dustry, and keep them from bankruptcy. If they were
to accept this grant in aid, which must become a per-
manent grant, they must inevitably degenerate. The
loss of independence would certainly beget a feeling
of distrust in the Mother Country to whose inaction
they would attribute their dependent position.

"Geographically much nearer to America than to
Great Britain, they might seek and would certainly
receive from the United States not alone the commer-
cial facilities which we deny them, but other induce-
ments of far greater importance. Trade would follow
the flag. That flag would no longer be ours, and we
might have to deplore not only the ruin, but also the
loss of our West Indian possessions."

When Mr. Chamberlain was beginning his experi-
ments in the act of resuscitating a perishing colony by
the time-honored method of increasing the import

75

Mr. Chamberlain's Attitude

duties on British goods, the United States, abandon-
ing the policy of abstention from all interference in
the affairs of other nations, suddenly stepped forth
armed from head to heel as the avenger of the wrongs
of Cuba. Spain was driven from the Western Main,
Cuba was freed, and Porto Rico was annexed by the
conquering Power.

The advent of the United States as a colonizing
power in the midst of the West Indian Archipelago
could not but thrill with excitement even the lethargic
imagination of the lotus-eaters of our Colonies.
For the United States is more than a political federa-
tion of forty-three Sovereign Republics. It represents
76,000,000 human beings, each of whom has probably
a more toothsome appetite for the delicate products
of the West Indies than the men of any other race
now living on the planet.

The immediate result of the annexation of Porto
Rico was to give an immense stimulus to the produc-
tion of sugar. When the island was wrenched from
the nerveless hand of Spain, her annual export of
sugar was only 40,000 tons. In 1900 she exported
100,000 tons. In 1901 it is expected that her export
will reach 150,000 tons. The production of coffee is
also going up with leaps and bounds. It is obvious
that, if this is not a mere spurt, if annexation by the
United States is proved to be like the touch of an
enchanter's wand causing a flood of wealth to
spring up in these West Indian Islands, there is
not a sugar island now under the Union Jack that

76

The Example of Porto Rico

will not be clamoring to be transferred to the United
States.

Whatever we may try to do the fact remains solid
as granite, and unalterable by all that we can do, the
United States, with its enormous masses of would-be
purchasers of all manner of sweetstuffs and tropical
fruit, is and always must be the best market for the
West Indian producer. After the decision of the
Supreme Court on the 27th of May, 1901, when
the legality of the Foraker Act imposing special
duties on goods imported from Porto Rico was af-
firmed by five voices against four, there is nothing
to hinder the United States taking over any number
of West Indian Islands.*

It is as yet too soon to pronounce upon the net
economic result of the annexation of Porto Rico. But
should the first promise be realized, the economic pull
towards the United States will be irresistible.

* As this case is of great historical and political importance,
I quote here Mr. Wellman's lucid summary of its purport:—

" 1. The Constitution does not follow the flag ex propria
vigorc — of its own force.

"2. The United States may enter upon a colonial policy-
has already entered upon it — without violation of the Consti-
tution.

" 3. This nation has all the powers that rightfully belong
to a sovereign international state and may acquire territory
without incorporating such territory as an integral part of
itself.

" 4. The simple act of acquisition by treaty or otherwise
does not automatically bring about such incorporation ; and
incorporation is effected only by the will of the States acting
consciously through Congress.

" 5. Porto Rico is not a part of the United States, but
' a territory appurtenant and belonging to' the United

77

Growth of American Trade

It would seem from the most recent statistics that
Mr. Chamberlain's policy has failed to check the prog-
ress of the movement which tends to place Jamaica
more and more under the economic ascendency of the
United States. Geographical position counts for
much. Jamaica is within a few hours' steam of Cuba,
which is in turn only a few hours' steam from Florida,
and "nearest neighbors best customers" seems to hold
good in the West Indies as elsewhere. In 1896 50
per cent, of Jamaican exports went to the United
States, and only 27 per cent, to Great Britain. After
four years of Mr. Chamberlain's policy the share of
the United States had risen to 63 per cent., and that of
the United Kingdom had shrunk to 19 per cent.

The figures are not quite so bad as far as relates
to the purchases made by Jamaica in American and
British markets, but even here there has been no im-
provement. In 1896 41 per cent, of her imports came
from the United States, and 48 per cent, from the
United Kingdom. In 1900 the share of the United
States had risen from 41 to 43 per cent., and that
of the United Kingdom had fallen from 48 per cent,
to 47 per cent. The attempt to foster a trade between

States.' Tariffs established by Congress upon goods com-
ing from or going to Porto Rico are valid and collectable
The Foraker Act is constitutional.

" 6. Congress has full power over the territories, may
regulate and dispose of them, may at its discretion extend
the Constitution to them, may admit them as states, or may
hold them indefinitely as territories, colonies, or dependencies.

" 7. Porto Rico is not a ' foreign country,' and therefore the
Dingley law, which levies duties upon goods imported ' from
foreign countries,' does not apply to Porto Rico. Nor yet is
' Porto Rico a part of the United States.' It is a domestic
territory, over which Congress has ' unrestricted control.' "

73

Growth of American Trade

Jamaica and Canada does not seem to have been very
successful. Her exports to the Dominion stood at
1.6 per cent, in 1896, and at the same figure exactly in
1900. Her imports from Canada, which were 7.5
per cent, in 1896, had dropped to 7.1 per cent, in 1900.
The Boston Journal, of September 6th, 1901, comment-
ing on the significance of these figures, remarked : —

"We take perhaps nine-tenths of Jamaica's sugar,
nearly all her fruit, much of her coffee and cocoa, a
great share of her logwood, almost all her cocoanuts.
The famous Jamaica rum is the only one of the island's
products which is consumed chiefly by Great Britain.

"Jamaica is so near the United States and stands
so closely related to our continental system, that this
steady drift of her trade away from Great Britain
and towards us is not strange. It is wholly natural
and intelligible. But it is obvious that it makes the
British connection increasingly difficult and expensive.

"With Porto Rico enjoying absolute free trade with
the United States, and Cuba almost its equivalent
under reciprocity, the British West India possessions
in the Antilles will have either to be given up or main-
tained at a cost out of all proportion to their real
value to the Imperial Government."

The question whether the movement towards annex-
ation to the United States will acquire an impetus
which will make it irresistible depends upon the results
which will follow the American annexation of Porto
Rico and the American protectorate established over
Cuba. If the value of all real estate in Porto Rico

79

Benefit of Annexation

goes up by leaps and bounds, and if the Colony be-
comes as prosperous as Jamaica is the reverse, the
sentiment of loyalty to the Union Jack will not long
stand the dissolvent of such a contrast.

Cuba is not annexed to the United States — at least,
not yet — but the advantage of being within the Union
and so avoiding the tariff wall which at present
limits the access of the products of Cuba to the
American market will be certain to operate with steady
pressure in favor of annexation. The United States
will not annex Cuba, but Cuba will annex itself to the
United States. That is to say, she will do so if the
Americans convince the Cubans that annexation will
put more money into their pocket and will deprive
them of no essential liberty. The force of gravitation
is contiguous, and the example of voluntary incorpora-
tion is apt to prove contagious.

When General Gomez, the Cuban patriot, left the
United States after a tour through the Union last sum-
mer, he expressed his conviction that, after a period of
absolute independence, Cuba would do well to throw in
her lot with the United States. It is usually the case
that if once a country tastes the delights of absolute in-
dependence she will never seek to merge her destiny
with any neighbor, no matter how great and powerful
that neighbor may be. But the Americans may reverse
this.

The spectacle of a well-governed and prosperous
Porto Rico may prove potent enough to overcome the
desire of the Cubans to fly their own flag outside the
Union. General Gomez declared that not only did he

80

Benefit of Annexation

contemplate the merging of Cuba in the Republic,
but that many other West Indians believed that San
Domingo and Hayti would be glad to accept the pro-
tectorate of the Stars and Stripes.

In discussing the probable economic forces which
tend to add these outlying English-speaking colonies
to the great American Republic, it should not be for-
gotten that the Americans would bring to such new
possessions much more than mere prestige and capital.
There is a certain lethargy in these lotus-eaters' Para-
dises which it would take all the Americans' energy to
overcome. "If any influence and energy," said Dr.
Shaw, very truly, some years ago, "can ever be ef-
fectively applied to lift the West Indies out of the po-
litical, social and industrial quagmire into which they
have sunk, such rescue must come from the United
States." It is difficult to see what answer there is to
this. Sir Wemyss Reid has just told us that an Amer-
ican Cabinet Minister at Washington spoke to him as
if the absorption of our West Indian Colonies by the
United States was a foregone conclusion.

All the arguments which apply to the West Indian
Islands apply mutatis mutandis to the only two tracts
of territory which we possess in South and Central
America. British Guiana, the delimitation of whose
frontiers nearly involved us in trouble with the United
States a few years ago, is forbidden to extend its
frontiers by virtue of the Monroe Doctrine. The
English-speaking men who live under the Union Jack
in the British Colony of Guiana are rigorously con-
fined within the existing frontiers of the province.

8J

Benefit of Annexation

If they were to transfer their allegiance to the United
States that interdict would immediately be repealed.
They could then extend the outposts of their territory
as far inland as they pleased. At present they are
handicapped by the Union Jack. They are as much
Americans as any of the citizens of the United States.
But because they are in organic relation with the
Mother Country they are denied all rights of interior
expansion. They have no hinterland, and they are
made to feel at every turn that, so far as the develop-
ment of their colony is concerned, it would be better to
be an independent republic than to belong to the vast
system of the British Empire.

However much we may regret the loss of our West
Indian Colonies, our regret will be tempered by satis-
faction at the thought that we have had ample oppor-
tunity to see what the monarchical section of the Eng-
lish-speaking race can do in making these communities
happy, prosperous, and contented. If we fail so com-
pletely that they are anxious to try whether better re-
sults would not follow if they are placed under the
control of the republican half of the race we have no
reason to complain. Nay, if the squalid poverty of
many of our fellow-subjects could be permanently re-
lieved by allowing these islands to become the colonies
and dependencies of the United States, it would be
our duty, not to retard, but to expedite the transfer.
If Britain wishes for no unwilling subjects, neither
does she wish to have any citizens in the Empire who
are reminded at every turn that they are suffering in
body or in estate from their connection with the
Mother Country.
82

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Sixth

Of Newfoundland and Canada

It is always hazardous to prophesy, but it would not
be surprising if England's oldest Colony were to be
the first to desert the Empire in order to throw in her
lot with the Republic.

The justification for this somewhat audacious fore-
cast is the fact that Newfoundland alone, of all our
Colonies, finds its vital interests sacrificed to the in-
terests of the Empire. None of our other Colonies
has such a grievance as that which troubles the New-
foundlanders.

None of our other Colonies is subjected to the
daily temptation which confronts them in the shape
of the self-evident proposition that their material in-
terests would be benefited by a transfer of their allegi-
ance from the Union Jack to the Stars and Stripes.

The facts of the case lie in a nutshell. When New-
foundland was first settled, it was not regarded as a
Colony in the proper sense of the term. It was only
looked upon as a kind of pier or landing-stage on

83

The Rise of Newfoundland

which the hardy fishers sent out from Bristol could
land and dry their nets.

Newfoundland, in other words, was not regarded as
having any existence other than that of a mere append-
age to the cod fishery. For the first two centuries after
its discovery no one at home seems to have dreamed
of the possibility of making it the seat of a British
Colony.

Colonization, indeed, was, if not actually forbidden,
at least discountenanced rather than encouraged; and
even so late as the beginning of the eighteenth century,
the original idea that Newfoundland was little more
than a coast-line which was convenient for the water-
ing and refitting of the fishing fleet continued to domi-
nate the minds of our statesmen. But for this, it is
impossible to believe that the men who negotiated the
Treaty of Ryswick would ever have made over to the
French Government the exclusive use of the French
shore.

This arrangement, which was subsequently con-
firmed at the Treaty of Utrecht half a century later,
was based upon the supposition that the only thing
worth considering in Newfoundland was the use of its
shores as convenient and indispensable appurtenances
of the fishing banks.

Whatever may have been the explanation of this
surrender to the French of a region stretching about
three hundred miles from north to south on the west
coast, the arrangement was solemnly ratified by a
treaty which still remains in force. Hence the cause of
most of the evils which afflict Newfoundland.

84

The Rise of Newfoundland

For nearly a hundred years after the signature of
the Treaty of Utrecht the arrangement which gave
the west shore to the French worked fairly well ; but in
the last fifty years Newfoundland, from being a mere
fishing station, became a thriving Colony. It attracted
emigrants from the other side of the Atlantic, notably
from Ireland ; they increased and multiplied, and at
last succeeded in gaining recognition as one of the
hardiest and most industrious of all the Colonies under
the Crown.

But no sooner was the colonization of Newfound-
land begun than the colonists fell foul of the French
shore. The more they increased and multiplied, the
more intolerable did it seem to them that they should
be deprived of the right to use three hundred miles of
their own coast.

In virtue of a treaty the original terms of which had
been strained to such an extent as to convert the right
conceded to the French to land and dry their nets into
a right of veto by them upon the erection of any fac-
tories or similar buildings along the whole length of
the coast, there sprang up the agitation against the
French shore — an agitation which has increased in ve-
hemence with years ; and although it may be for the
moment lulled, it may at any time revive and rage
with all the more fury because it has been quieted for a
time.

Some years ago I had an opportunity of discussing
the whole matter at length with the representatives
sent over by the Newfoundland Government in order

85

Thoughts of Secession

to impress upon Downing Street the urgent importance
of extinguishing the French rights on the west coast.
They made no hesitation in declaring that, if the
British Government finally refused to clear out the
French, they would be compelled as a mere matter
of self-preservation to look to the only other govern-
ment from whom they could obtain relief. For some
years the question whether Newfoundland had not
better secede from the Empire and appeal for the pro-
tection of the United States had been in the air, al-
though it did not figure much in public debate either
on platform or in the press.

It is very easy to understand how it was that the
Newfoundlanders should turn a wistful and longing
gaze towards Washington. A combination of economic
and political motives may strain severely the allegiance
of Newfoundland to the Mother Country. At present
the American market is practically closed to the product
of Newfoundland fishery. Of the million pounds'
worth of cod caught off these banks half goes to
British ports and the other half to Portugal and Brazil.
But Newfoundland imports goods from the United
States of the annual value of £300,000.

It is, however, less for the sake of opening the Amer-
ican market than for the gain of getting rid of the
French shore difficulty that annexation might come to
be desired by our Colonists. The question of the
French shore is very simple. France has certain un-
deniable rights dating from the eighteenth century, se-
cured by a formal treaty to which England was a party.

86

An Intolerable Situation

Circumstances have changed since that treaty was
negotiated

A state of things has sprung up which renders the
provisions of that treaty intolerably irksome to a third
party which was practically not in existence when the
treaty was signed, namely, the self-governing Colony
of Newfoundland. The maintenance of die provisions
of the Treaty of Utrecht entails hardship upon the
Newfoundlanders, from which they ask our govern-
ment to relieve them.

France is by no means irreconcilable upon this ques-
tion. She recognizes the difficulty of our position and
says, in effect, that she is quite willing to surrender her
rights under the Treaty of Utrecht — for a considera-
tion. The question is what that consideration shall be.
For the last twenty years the matter has been discussed
between London and Paris without any conclusion be-
ing arrived at. Our offers have never been regarded as
satisfactory by the French, and we have hitherto been
unable to offer what the French would accept as an
adequate equivalent for the abandonment of their rights
under the treaty.

The British Government has given too many host-
ages to fortune in all parts of the world to dare press
too urgently for a settlement of the question. The
Newfoundlanders understand perfectly well that we
cannot squeeze France in Newfoundland without ex-
posing ourselves to a retaliatory squeeze in Egypt.
Hence they say that the local interests of Newfound-
land have been and are at this moment being sacrificed

87

A Possible Interference

to the general interests of the British Empire. That
is the truth, and there is no gainsaying it.

Suppose that one fine day the Union Jack was
hauled down, and that the United States was suddenly
invested with the complete sovereignty over New-
foundland, what would happen? There would prob-
ably be a Commission appointed to take evidence about
the French shore question. That evidence would be
presented to both Houses of Congress, when it would
appear that the growth of the Colony was hampered
and its permanent interests injuriously affected by the
maintenance of the provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht.
It would further be reported that, in order to give the
Colony a fair chance and to relieve the United States
of a constant source of irritation threatening the gen-
eral peace, the rights of France must be terminated.

After that report had been received and taken into
consideration, the American Secretary of State would
be instructed to write to the French Government to the
effect that the provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht re-
lating to the west coast of the recently acquired United
States Territory of Newfoundland were inflicting an
intolerable grievance upon the inhabitaints of New-
foundland ; therefore the United States Government
must formally give notice of their decision to terminate
the treaty, but would be very glad to enter into nego-
tiations with France as to the compensation which
France might claim for the loss of her rights.

88

A Possible Interference

If the two Governments were unable to arrive at
an amicable understanding as to what compensation
was adequate, the United States would be willing- to
refer the question for adjudication to a court of arbi-
tration constituted under the rules of the Hague Con-
ference. France might sulk, and a good many angry
articles might be written in the French papers, but the
position of the United States would be unassailable.

The Americans have given no hostages to fortune
which would compel them to think twice and even
thrice before incurring French resentment. Their de-
mand for the removal of the restrictions which were
throttling the development of an American territory
would be morally sound, and their willingness to refer
the question of compensation to arbitration would place
their action upon an incontestably legal footing. The
United States, in short, could in one day liberate the
Newfoundlanders from the presence of the French
on their shores without danger of war and without sac-
rificing American interests in any quarter of the world.

The Newfoundlanders have for some time past
been slowly and reluctantly arriving at the conclusion
that this is what England cannot do. On the day when
they arrive at the final decision that it is no use look-
ing any longer to Downing Street for help, the move-
ment in favor of American annexation may sweep ail
before it.

There are two other considerations which should
not be forgotten. One is that a large proportion of the
colonists are either of Irish birth or Irish extraction.
There are no more enthusiastic supporters of the Irish

89

Secession of Newfoundland

National cause than many of the leading Irish citizens
of St. John's. Nothing would give them greater joy
than in this way to avenge the wrongs of Ireland upon
a Unionist Government.

That, it may be said, is but a sentimental consid-
eration. It is likely to be strongly reinforced by the
very material argument of an appeal to the breeches
pocket. It is not so many years ago since the New-
foundland local legislature negotiated a reciprocity
treaty with the Government at Washington for the
purpose of securing for their fish access to the Ameri-
can market.

Rightly or wrongly, the British Government refused
to ratify that treaty, and it fell through. If the British
connection means not only the maintenance indefinitely
of the French on the west coast, but also of a barrier
between the Newfoundland Fisheries and the immense
market of the United States, is it unreasonable to think
that the drift towards the centre of gravity may be-
come irresistible?

Such a secession would be serious indeed. New-
foundland has hitherto refused to cast in its lot with
the Dominion of Canada. It has jealously preserved
its own independence. Like a great advance bastion
of the American Continent it lies right across the great
ocean roadway which leads from Liverpool to the St.
Lawrence.

In the hands of a hostile power the harbor of St.
John's would be a deadly menace to the whole of our
Canadian trade. Both from a naval and commercial
standpoint the loss of Newfoundland would be so

90

The Right of Secession

serious a blow to the Empire that it is probable an at-
tempt would be made to prevent it by force of arms.

The right of secession which Mr. Chamberlain has
publicly acknowledged is enjoyed by the "independent
sister nations" of Canada and Australia, would prob-
ably be denied to the smaller Colony of Newfound-
land ; but, if so, it would only mean annexation at two
removes, because the wit of man is unable to devise or
the resources of the British Empire are inadequate to
provide means whereby we could hold down unwilling
subjects in all parts of the world.

When Englishmen discuss the possible pull of the
gravitation of the United States upon their Empire,
they usually confine their remarks to Canada. They
do not realize that Canada, being by far the largest
and most important of the British American posses-
sions, would probably be the last to succumb to the
continually increasing force of gravitation exercised
by its southern neighbor.

Canada alone of ail the British Colonies in the West-
ern Hemisphere is large enough and strong enough
to render its independent existence thinkable even if the
protecting aegis of Great Britain were withdrawn. All
the other Colonies would probably drop like ripe plums
into Uncle Sam's hat but for their connection with
Great Britain.

The Dominion of Canada, however, has ambitions of
its own, and is rather inclined to believe that, if an-
nexation is to take place, it would be better for the
world if the United States were annexed by Canada
rather than Canada by the United States. Mr. Evans,

9i

Canada's Growth

Secretary of the Hamilton Canadian Club, maintained
that the future belonged to Canada, and he quoted
words said to have been uttered by the late Secretary
Seward to the following effect : —

"Having its Atlantic seaport at Halifax, and its Pa-
cific depot near Vancouver Island, British America
would inevitably draw to it the commerce of Europe,
Asia, and the United States. Thus from a mere colo-
nial dependency it would assume a controlling rank in
the world. To her other nations would be tributary;
and in vain would the United States attempt to be her
rival."*

Mr. Evans does not think the fulfillment of this
prophecy at all improbable. He maintains that where-
as since 1760 the population of Canada has increased
eighty-fold, for then it was only 60,000, the popula-
tion of the United States, which was then 3,000,000,
has only increased twenty-five-fold. In his opinion
the United States would have more need of Canada

* It is somewhat difficult to believe that Mr. Seward actu-
ally said this, for he appears to have made a remark in a very
different sense in the year i860. He said: "Standing here
and looking far off into the Northwest, I see the Russian as
he busily occupies himself in establishing seaports and towns
and fortifications on the verge of this continent as the out-
posts of St. Petersburg, and I say, ' Go on, and build up your
outposts all along the coast, even to the Arctic Ocean ; they
will yet become the outposts of my own country— monuments
of the civilization of the United States in the Northwest.'
So I look off on Prince Rupert's Land and Canada, and see
there an ingenious, enterprising, and ambitious people occu-
pied with bridging rivers and constructing canals, railroads,
and telegraphs, to organize and preserve great British prov-
inces north of the Great Lakes, the St. Lawrence, and around
the shores of Hudson's Bay. and I am able to say. ' It is very
well : you are building excellent States to be hereafter admit-
ted into the American Union.' "

92

Canadian Independence

than Canada of the United States, for as their territo-
ries are being filled up and their forests destroyed, in
the not far future they would be largely dependent
upon other countries for their raw material, while
Canada has more undeveloped wealth than any other
country in the world.

The Canadians are the Scotch of the Western Hemi-
sphere, and have just as good an opinion of them-
selves as our neighbors in North Britain, who to this
day resent bitterly any suggestion that the union which
merged Scotland and England in Great Britain was
the annexation of the smaller country by the larger.

Scotland and England were united first by the golden
circlet of the Crown when James I. and VI. crossed
the Tweed, and founded an ill-fated dynasty in Great
Britain. Such monarchical contrivances are not avail-
able in the New World. It is probable that the Union,
if it is to be effected, will be due, not to any golden
circlets of the Crown, but to the much more prosaic
but not less potent agency of the almighty dollar.

If the Canadians decide 10 throw in their lot with the
United States, John Bull will not spend one red
cent in thwarting their wishes. As an "independent
sister nation," Mr. Chamberlain has publicly declared
they have unrestricted liberty of secession from the
Empire, for the British Empire is much more loosely
compacted together than the American Republic, which
welded its States into one organic whole by the great
Civil War.

But it is also true that, though no one in the United

93

The Wall that Divides

Kingdom would raise a finger to prevent Canada
acting as she thought best for her own interests, any
attempt on the part of the United States to annex the
Canadians against their will would be resisted by the
whole force of the British Empire. This is so clearly
understood on both sides that no one on the American
Continent dreams of taking by force that which could
only be valuable if it was tendered by consent. Hence,
in discussing the future of Canada, we may dismiss
altogether from our minds all question of a solution by
armed force.

The frontier which divides the Dominion from the
Republic is unfortified on either side, but exists by con-
sent of both. Nevertheless, although it is not guarded
by soldiers or protected by cannon, it is infested with
custom-houses, the disappearance of which would be so
great and so palpable a gain that the desire to get rid
of them may be regarded as one of the influences which
tend in favor of annexation.

I remember the late Mr. Bayard, just as he was leav-
ing the American Embassy in London, describing to me
what he regarded as the unpardonable mistake which
was made by the Protectionists of the United States at
the close of the Civil War.

"No one," he said, "has ever rendered adequate jus-
tice to the service which the Union received from the
Canadians during the whole of that tremendous strug-
gle. With the exception of one or two ridiculous raids
by Confederate sympathizers, we were able to leave the
whole of our northern frontier without a garrison. Not
only so, but we used Canada as an inexhaustible source

94

Will Canada Resist Americanization

of supplies throughout the whole war. Yet when at
the close of the war a deputation from the Canadians
went to Washington, to plead for free access to
American markets, they were told they could not expect
to have the privileges of American citizens unless they
came under the American flag. Now the Canadian can
be led, but he cannot be bullied. The deputation, in-
stead of applying for the privileges of American citi-
zenship, went home, federated the Dominion, con-
structed the Canadian Pacific, and postponed for many
years the inevitable union of North America under one
flag. A little less selfishness and a little more states-
manship would have brought them all in long ago."

Whether Mr. Bayard was right or wrong in his ac-
count of the genesis of what may be called Canadian
Nationalism, there can be no doubt that since that date
the Canadians have resolutely turned their gaze from
Washington to Westminster. There is something al-
most pathetic in the anxiety of our Canadian fellow
subjects to emphasize their loyalty to the Empire. No
one does them the injustice to believe that they really
were swept off their feet by any passionate feeling
against the Boers when they sent their contingents to
assist the Mother Country in South Africa. They had
been waiting for their chance to demonstrate their af-
fection, and they seized it, not caring very much about
the merits of the quarrel in which engaged.

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, it is true, made eloquent
speeches, putting the best face upon the cause in which
Canadian blood had been shed, but in order to do so
he found it necessary to make protestations as to the

95

Will Canada Resist Americanization

liberties and privileges to be extended to the Boers, the
realization of which has been postponed to the Greek
Kalends. All that they knew, or cared to know, was
that England, Mother England, was calling for their
help. So for England, Mother England, they poured
in thousands to South Africa, where they shed their
blood without stint in defence of the flag. Last
autumn they gave the Heir to the Throne and his wife
a welcome as enthusiastic as that which they received in
Australia.

More than that it would be impossible to say. Surely
then Canada is in no danger of succumbing to the
Americanization which is sweeping everything into
the arms of the United States. The same spirit of
loyalty led the Canadian Parliament to take the initi-
ative in establishing the principle of preferential terms
for British goods. They could only do this by a side-
wind, as it were, offering a reduction of from 25 to 30
per cent, upon imports from countries which did not
tax Canadian goods — a provision which had the prac-
tical result of reducing the import duty on British
goods from 25 to 30 per cent, below that levied upon
goods imported from the United States.

At the same time, the majority of American imports
come in free, so that if an average is taken on all the
goods imported from the United States and on those
imported from the United Kingdom, the average tax
is still somewhat higher on British goods than on
American. The Canadians, however, did their best,
and have borne submissively their exclusion by Ger-
many from the most-favored-nation treatment as the

96

Binding Forces

penalty of their attempt to draw closer the ties which
link them to Great Britain.

Down to the year 1887 there was a Secession Party
in Nova Scotia ; but since then there has been no party
in any province of the Dominion that has advocated
annexation to the United States. Here and there there
are annexationists, and those who are in favor of
Canadian independence are even more numerous. But,
taking it as a whole, Canadians are passionately loyal
to the old flag-, and I think it is extremely probable
that there is no part of the King's dominions in which
this book will be read with more profound disap-
proval— I might even say indignation — than in the
Dominion of Canada.

Nevertheless, this loyalty, although very vehement
and very sincere, can hardly be regarded as a suf-
ficient barrier against the all-pervading American-
ism, which will inevitably bring the Dominion and the
Republic into a much closer union than that which at
present exists.

The first great force which operates with increasing
potency is economic. Despite all the efforts of the
Laurier Cabinet to encourage British trade at the ex-
pense of America, Canada remains the best market of
the United States. Every Canadian, man, woman, or
child, spends on an average £5 a year in the pur-
chase of American goods. The German average is
about a guinea a head, while the average sale of Ameri-
can goods in Great Britain is below 7s. a head.

Two-thirds of the American goods purchased by
Canadians consist of American manufactures. The

97

Trade with Canada

total value of American imports into Canada amounted
to £22,000,000 sterling. Not only is it large in itself,
but it is increasing. In 1875, of all Canada's pur-
chases abroad, 50 per cent, came from Great Britain.
As this percentage began to drop, the experiment of
the preferential duty was tried, but failed to arrest the
decrease. In 1897 the proportion of British imports
had dropped to 26 per cent., and in 1900 to 25 per
cent. In 1875 the United States sold to Canada 42
per cent, of her total imports; in 1897 this had risen
to 55 per cent., and in 1900 to over 60 per cent. The
United States, therefore, notwithstanding the prefer-
ential duty, has more than taken the position which
we occupied with the Canadian purchaser in 1875.

It was inevitable that this should be so. The United
States is close at hand ; the Canadians are American
in their tastes, and goods prepared for the American
market find a ready sale across the frontier. It
is a remarkable fact, in view of all that is being talked
to-day about the value of the Central and South Ameri-
can markets, that the Canadians, who are only 5,500,-
000 in number, buy more goods from the United States
than are purchased by all the inhabitants of all the
Central and South American Republics that are to be
found between the Rio Grande and Cape Horn. The
bulk of the Canadian exports to the United States
consists of raw materials, lumber, and the like, in re-
turn for which she takes the goods manufactured in
American mills and factories.

The Americans are keenly alive to the importance
of developing this trade, and one of the first deputa-

9Z

Canada's Attitude

tions which President Roosevelt had to receive was
that organized by the Boston Chamber of Commerce
in favor of reciprocity with Canada. What the Bos-
ton business men fear is that unless something is done
in the way of reducing American taxes on Canadian
imports the Canadian will either increase the duties
upon American goods, or redouble their efforts to in-
duce Great Britain to adopt the principle of a prefer-
ential tariff in favor of Colonial and against foreign
and American goods. The only three interests in the
United States that appear to be offering any serious
opposition are the lumber interests of the North-
west, the bituminous coal miners of Maryland and
West Virginia, and the fishermen of Gloucester.

President Roosevelt returned a sympathetic but non-
committal answer to the deputation.

The Canadians, apparently, have grown tired of ex-
pecting any concessions from the United States. Sir
Wilfrid Laurier last autumn made a definite declara-
tion that the Canadian tariff was to remain as it was,
and that any overtures on the subject of reciprocity
would have to be made from Washington to Ottawa,
and not from Ottawa to Washington. The slump in
Protection, so long foreseen, is no doubt on its way.
but for the moment it tarries.

It should never be forgotten that the Irish element in
Canada is very strong, how strong may be inferred
from two facts. In 1887, when Mr. Balfour intro-
duced his Coercion Bill for Ireland, the Canadian
Parliament, despite the strongest opposition from the
Canadian Conservative Ministry then in power, passed
LofC. 99

The Bond of Immigration

;•>'

a resolution by a majority of nearly four to one
strongly condemning the Irish policy of Mr. Bal-
four, and affirming their devotion to Home Rule.
That the Canadians have not changed in their senti-
ment may be inferred from the second fact that when
Mr. John Redmond visited Canada in 1901, Sir Wil-
frid Laurier and other Ministers were present at a
banquet, by which the Irish Nationalist leader was
welcomed into the Dominion. Sir Wilfrid's presence
gave great scandal to our Unionists at home, who pro-
fess to be utterly unable to reconcile his support of
Mr. Redmond and of Home Rule with his devotion to
the Empire. In reality if they but opened their eyes,
they would see that the two things are inseparably con-
nected.

The interchange of commodities between two com-
munities speaking the same language, and living on
either side of an imaginary line, is only one of the
economic forces that would make for Union. For
many years past there has been a steady stream of
immigration from Canada to the United States. There
are very few Canadian families who have not one or
more relatives who have gone to seek their fortunes
in the great American cities, or on the fertile prairies
of the United States. There are more emigrants from
Canada in the United States in proportion to their pop-
ulation than from any other country. The richer and
more developed lands to the south have an irresistible
attraction for the more enterprising and ambitious
Canadians.

When Mr. Dryden, the Minister for Agriculture
J00

Americanization of Canada

in Ontario, invested his money in farming he put it into
a ranch in Dakota. Of late years a growing ten-
dency has been observable for the tide of immigration
to flow the other way. In the Northwest there are
still vast areas of good land to be had for next to noth-
ing. An American writer declares that the interna-
tional line marks as sharp a distinction in land values
as it does in political allegiance. Naturally as the
land to the south fills up settlers will cross the frontier,
and the process of colonization from the States will
steadily Americanize the Northwest.

There is little or no difference in the social and po-
litical conditions of the settlers, so it is as natural for
them to cross and recross the frontier as it is for people
in Sussex to cross into Hampshire, or vice-versa.
Thus there are being woven across and across, from
side to side of the invisible frontier line, ties which
tend to weave the two communities into one.

In addition to the influence of commerce and of emi-
gration there is another force which may be still more
potent. I refer to the fact that the great American
capitalists, ever on the look-out for fresh fields in which
to invest their millions, have begun to develop on a
great scale the immense mineral resources which are
as yet practically untapped in the Canadian Dominion.
American capital is pouring into the country. Few
things have attracted more attention in recent indus-
trial development than the extent to which American
capitalists are investing their money in the exploitation
of the immense and almost virgin resources of Canada.

The industrial annexation of the Dominion is in

I0J

Americanization of Canada

full swing. The Vanderbilt railway combination has
taken in hand the development of the enormous coal
and iron district of Nova Scotia, and is proceeding in
the campaign with that combination of restless energy
and methodical preparation that characterizes the great
American Trusts. Further west, the Dominion Iron
and Steel Company, under an American President,
with a capital of over twenty million dollars, has es-
tablished one of the most gigantic steel works in the
world at Sault St. Marie on Lake Superior. In this
exploitation of Canadian resources by American capi-
tal, the Parliament of the Dominion has interested it-
self actively. A land grant of over five million acres,
a subsidy of £200,000 for real construction, and con-
tracts for a million pounds' worth of rails to be deliv-
ered in the next five years, have given the Company
confidence. It is going ahead. Americans are set-
ting the pace in the Dominion.

Rumors from time to time appear in the newspapers
that this or the other combination of American mil-
lionaires has decided to acquire a controlling inter-
est in Canada's one great railway, the Canadian Pa-
cific ; but although these remain rumors there is every
reason to expect that the men who have engineered
the great combinations which exist, in order to bar
out competition, will not long abstain from an at-
tempt to control the great inter-oceanic railway by
which the Canadians have linked together the Atlantic
and the Pacific.

But dismissing this as a mere possibility of the fu-
ture, we have sufficient evidence to prove that Ameri-
J02

Annexation of Canada

can capital is ever tending to acquire more and more
interest in the development of Canadian resources.
Commerce, emigration, and investments all tell in the
same direction with an automatic and persistent force
which is not materially affected by political agitation.
Sir Hiram Maxim told me the other day that, when he
was last in Canada, he had been approached by some
owners of valuable deposits and water privileges to
assist them in placing their property upon the British
market. They expatiated upon the intrinsic value of
the property which they had to dispose of, and, finally,
by way of a crowning inducement, they said to him :

"This property is worth two hundred million dollars,
but when annexation comes it will be worth two hun-
dred million pounds sterling."

"What," said Sir Hiram, "I thought you were all
enthusiastic loyalists."

"We are loyal to the Empire," was the reply, "but
we all know that annexation will come some day, and,
when it comes, it will much more than double the value
of our property."

We now pass to consider the influences, partly
economic and partly political, which point in the
same direction. There are at least two — one at each
extremity of the Dominion. The first is the long-
standing and almost insoluble dispute about the fish-
eries on the Atlantic seaboard. The quarrels between
the fishermen of Nova Scotia and the fishermen of
Massachusetts have been for many years a fertile
source of friction.

The Canadians bitterly resent any poaching by

103

International Discords

American fishermen in Canadian waters. Collisions
between the Canadian and New England fishermen
have created so much ill-feeling' in the past that the
fishery dispute has been one of the standing dishes at
every Anglo-American repast. For some years now a
modus vivendi has been in existence, which avoids any
of the old irritating incidents of the capture and con-
fiscation of American ships within the three-mile limit ;
but the difficulty is not settled. It has only been post-
poned.

So acute was the trouble at one time that Mr. Ed-
ward Atkinson, in 1887, brought forward before the
New York Chamber of Commerce a proposal that the
United States should purchase from the Dominion of
Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince
Edward Island, for the sum of £ 10,000,000, which he
estimated was about the share in the Canadian debt
for which these provinces were responsible. The sug-
gestion came to nothing, but that it was made is sig-
nificant. It shows that the Americans who bought
Alaska from Russia are quite capable of attempting
to settle other territorial difficulties in the same com-
mercial fashion.

The other difficulty resulted from the discovery of
gold in the Klondyke. The Canadians naturally
wished to have access to their gold-fields without pass-
ing through an American Custom House. The Amer-
icans, on the other hand, maintained that until gold
was discovered the Canadians themselves recognized
that Skaguay, which may be regarded as the ocean
gate of the Klondyke, was part and parcel of the

J 04

Nation Within Nation

United States, and they resent the attempt of Canada
to possess herself of an open door to the sea as an in-
fraction of the Monroe doctrine, and an attempt to
aggrandize the British Empire at the cost of the Amer-
ican Republic.

The proposal to settle this dispute by arbitration
miscarried, owing to the short-sighted objection taken
by our Foreign Office to the American proposition that
in such arbitration the umpire should be chosen from
the New World, which means that he should be either
a Central American or a South American. The pro-
posal was one which told altogether against the
United States, for the natural bias of the Spanish
Americans is by no means in favor of the United
States. The proposal, however, dropped through, and
the Skaguay question remains among those unsettled
questions which have small regard for the peace of
nations.

In considering the probable future of Canada one
salient fact can never be overlooked. Canada is not a
homogeneous English-speaking community. The
province of Quebec is essentially French in speech,
Catholic in religion, and although loyal to the Empire
this loyalty is the result of the Liberal policy adopted
as the result of Lord Durham's mission, yet it jeal-
ously preserves its essential French nationality. It is
indeed a foreign nation within a British Dominion, and
its existence materially complicates the question under
consideration. As Mr. Goldwin Smith said, "When
there is a solid mass of people of one race inhabiting
a compact territory, with a language, religion, charac-

105

Internal Danger

ter, laws, tendencies, aspirations and sentiments of its
own, there is de facto a nation."

But the curious thing is that authorities, both Cana-
dian and American, differ hopelessly as to whether the
existence of this French nation will tend to accelerate
or retard the union of Canada and the United States.
When the Duke of Argyle returned from Canada after
serving his term as Governor-General, he told me that
he regarded the French-Canadians as one of the great
obstacles in the way of annexation. The French
priests had got everything the way they wanted it in
Quebec, they could not possibly improve their posi-
tion, and might easily mar it if they exchanged the
Union Jack for the Stars and Stripes. Further, they
could not hinder a great and continuous emigration of
their young people to the mills of New England,
though they regarded such an exodus with profound /
uneasiness. £-*_jy« "•*"*'

The French habitant once settled in New Zealand
was exposed to the taint of heresy. Even if he pre-
served the faith he became lax and was no longer as
strict in the observance of his religious duties as he
was in the old home of his childhood. They did not
become Protestant so much as indifferent or freethink-
ers. Thus, in the opinion of this excellent authority,
the ultramontane ascendency which prevailed in Que-
bec indirectly operated as a powerful bulwark of Brit-
ish Dominion.

On the other hand, this very element appears to
some stout Imperialists as one of the greatest dangers
confronting us in the future. Mr. T. W. Russell some

J06

Quebec

eight or nine years ago visited Canada, and came back
filled with horror at the state of things in Quebec. Mr.
Russell is an Ulster Protestant, and it is evident from
his report that he regarded the state of things which
prevailed in Quebec as a disgrace to the Dominion.
"Quebec," he said, "was controlled by a rich, arrogant
and powerful church. Cardinal Taschereau was in-
finitely more powerful than the Prime Minister and
his Cabinet, and the British element was being
squeezed out although the Englishry paid five-sixths of
the taxation."

Mr. Russell did not on that account propose to ex-
pel French Canada from the Dominion, but the senti-
ments which he expressed represent probably with only
too much fidelity the conviction of the majority of
fervent Protestants in Ontario, and reveal a snag upon
which the Dominion might be wrecked. There is no
doubt that the dominant idea of Lord Durham in pro-
posing his scheme of settlement was that it would be
possible gradually but steadily to convert French Can-
ada to the universal use of the English language. His
scheme produced political contentment largely because
it failed utterly to realize his hope about the language.
Any attempt to interfere with the French language
or impose secular education upon the French Cath-
olics would produce an agitation which in the opinion
of many competent judges would have as its effect
the annexation of French Canada to the United States.

There are some who advocate annexation on the
ground that the French are too large and too compact
a mass of non-English-speaking men to be assimilated

J07

A Dish for Uncle Sam

or absorbed by so small a community as that which in-
habits the Canadian Dominion. If they were cast into
the Continental crucible of the United States, instead
of being a separate nationality the cultivation of
French would be a mere local peculiarity of no more
importance than the obstinacy with which some Ger-
man and Norwegian colonists in Minnesota persist in
refusing to use the English tongue. On the other
hand, there are those who argue from a precisely op-
posite point of view and maintain that the United
States carries already as many foreign elements as are
compatible with the maintenance of the English-speak-
ing character of its people, and they object strongly to
add a clotted mass of a couple of millions of French
habitants to the other indigestible lumps with which
the digestion of Uncle Sam has to grapple. In the
midst of all this conflict and confusion of even expert
opinion it seems to be tolerably clear that, whether the
priests like it or not, the industrial districts of New
England continue to draw like a great lodestone the
more adventurous and enterprising youth of French
Canada across the frontier.

Recognizing this as inevitable, the hierarchy have
made more than adequate arrangements for the spir-
itual supervision of their migrating flock. The net re-
sult is that French Canada is no longer confined to the
districts north of the St. Lawrence. If an ethnograph-
ical map of the North Eastern States were to be pub-
lished it would appear that Boston has almost as much
claim to be considered a French city as Quebec and
Montreal.
JOS

Religious and Racial

The question as to the effect which the participation
of Canada in the South African War is likely to have
upon the loyalty of the French Canadians is a matter
that has been a good deal discussed. It is a curious
fact that the first time Canada sent her sons to fight in
an Imperial quarrel it was the Protestants who were
enthusiastic, while the Catholics hung back, although
the war was one not with a Catholic but with a Prot-
estant people.

Mr. J. G. Bourinot strongly opposed the war, but
found himself in a small minority, owing to the as-
cendancy of Sir Wilfrid Laurier. He expressed a
very strong conviction as to the grave peril to the Em-
pire which was created by putting this new strain upon
the loyalty of the French Canadians. The Boer War
did not interest them on either side, but they dreaded
the precedent. If Canada could be dragged into an
English war with the Boers, how could they hope to
escape the still more urgent appeal which would reach
them if Great Britain were to be involved in a war
with France? In such a case the French Canadian
would find himself in exactly the same position as the
Cape Dutch find themselves to-day, and it is not sur-
prising that they shrank from being committed to any
close co-operation with the Imperial arms. Even be-
fore the Boer War arose to alarm French Canadian
susceptibilities, one well-known French Canadian, M.
Louis Frechette, at one time a member of the Domin-
ion Parliament and a well-known Canadian poet,
published an article which was almost a manifesto,

i09

The Virtue of Annexation

under the title of "The United States for French
Canadians."

According to M. Frechette, French Canadians re-
garded Imperial Federation with unfeigned alarm.
In an Imperial Parliament the}- would find themselves
in a hopeless minority, in face of a majority inevitably
hostile. He continued : — "The idea of Annexation has
during the last few years made rapid progress with
Canadians of French origin ; the fact is that even to-
day, were they consulted on the question under con-
ditions of absolute freedom, without any moral pressure
from either side, I am certain that a considerable ma-
jority of Annexationists would result from the ballot.
And this majority cannot but increase .... Al-
liance with the States of the Union would with one
sweep of the pen settle all those thorny questions which
now embarrass us. At one stroke .... we
should have no more hatred or rivalry of faith or race ;
no longer conquerors ever looking upon us as the con-
quered ; no longer any joint responsibility with any
European nation; no longer any frontiers; no longer
any possible wars; a single flag over the whole of
North America, which then would be, not the hold-
ing of any particular nation, but the home of Human-
ity itself, the Empire of Peace, the richest and most
powerful dominion of the earth, under a democratic
government."

That the Canadians, French and English alike, are
loyal is the fortunate result of the common sense and
resolution of our Whig statesmen who, by the display
of those qualities of statesmanship which have been so

no

Canada a Nation

conspicuously lacking in South Africa, converted a
French-speaking Roman Catholic province, steeped in
sedition and seething with rebellious discontent, into
one of the most devoted Colonies of the Empire. The
secret is simple. We left them alone, allowing them to
do for themselves as they thought best. But even now
the appointment of such a Governor-General as Lord
Milner would drive the whole of Quebec wild with
alarm and suspicion. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the Liberal
Prime Minister of the Dominion, has never lost a
chance of emphasizing the fact that Canada is not only
a Colony and a Dominion ; Canada, he says, is a nation,
and, as such, claims the rights of nationhood.

How sensitive and easily jarred are the nerves of
our Canadian fellow-subjects may be seen from the
storm of dissatisfaction which has been occasioned by
the disrespect shown to the French language by the
Duke of Cornwall, who, of course, acted on the advice
of Lord Minto. Why the genius of discord should
have been allowed to mar the loyal festivals that at-
tended the Royal tour no one but the Governor-General
can tell. But the refusal to allow the Heir to the Crown
to reply in French to loyal French addresses seems to
savor of the arrogant and intolerant spirit which has
of late poisoned the atmosphere of the Colonial Office.
Taken together with other incidents, some of which
were perhaps unavoidable, this slight to their lan-
guage has led to protests which somewhat beclouded
the closing scene of the Royal tour. The Canadians
are very loyal, but we cannot presume upon their loy-
alty. As the Avenir du Nord, an influential organ of

\\\

Absorption Inevitable

the French at Montreal, took occasion to remind the
Duke :—

" The French and English people of Canada greet in the
Duke of Cornwall and York the son of their sovereign, but
do not intend thereby to furnish the Imperialists with the
illusion that Canada aspires to be stifled by tighter and
tighter British ties. The respect that we profess in a large
measure, the marks of sympathy that we manifest — even in
a too exaggerated manner — for the King of England and his
son, will be changed into enmity and energetic struggle if
ever it is sought to erase from our Constitution the clauses
that make us almost independent, with a view to replace them
by Imperialistic obligations such as are dreamed of by Mr.
Chamberlain and a few others."

This may be dismissed as worthy of no importance
because it is only French talk. So our loyalists at the
Cape ignored the protests and complaints of the
Dutch. Absit omen.

It may be said that the French Canadians may be
very enthusiastic to be annexed, but that the citizens of
the United States would be much less eager to welcome
Canada within the pale of the Union. What Americans
think on the question of the future of Canada is not
difficult to discern. One and all would disclaim any
attempt to annex Canada against her will ; but one and
all regard her absorption as her inevitable destiny, and
while they would not hasten the hour when the fron-
tier-line disappears they would rejoice to see the Union
Jack disappear from the Western Continent.

President Roosevelt's words are worth quoting in
this connection. Before he was President or even
Vice-President, he wrote : — "The inhabitants of a col-
ony are in a cramped and unnatural state

m

President Roosevelt's Words

As long as a Canadian remains a colonist he remains
in a position inferior to that of his cousins both in
England and in the United States. The Englishman
at bottom looks down on the Canadian, as on one who
admits his inferiority, and quite properly, too. The
American regards the Canadian with the good-natured
condescension felt by the freeman for a man who is
not free.

"Every true patriot, every man of statesman-like
habit, should look forward to the day when not a sin-
gle European Power will hold a foot of American soil.
At present it is not necessary to take the position that
no European Power shall hold American territory ;
but it certainly will become necessary if the timid and
selfish peace-at-any-price men have their way, and if
the United States fails to check, at the outset, Euro-
pean aggrandizement on this continent."

But it will be said that Mr. Roosevelt is a repre-
sentative of the extreme Expansionist school. It may,
therefore, be well to quote the testimony of one who
belongs to the other extreme. With the doubtful ex-
ception of Mr. Atkinson, there is probably no morp
thorough-going anti-Expansionist than Mr. Andrew
Carnegie. No one can accuse him of animosity to the
land in which he was born, and in which he spends
his summers. He passed immune through the Jingo
fever which laid so many of his compatriots low. But,
upon the subject of Canada, Mr. Carnegie expressed
sentiments even more uncompromising than those of
Mr. Roosevelt.

In the year 1895, when tariff questions were to the

H3

Andrew Carnegie's Opinion

fore, Mr. Carnegie came out strongly in favor of im-
posing heavy duties upon all imports from Canada
without regard to the doctrine either of Free Trade or
Protection, but as a matter of high politics.

The following passage is a very significant but per-
fectly frank and sincere expression of the sentiments
of a great number of the friendliest Americans upon
the question of our position in Canada : — "I think we
betray a lack of statesmanship in allowing commercial
advantages to a country which owes allegiance to a
foreign Power founded upon monarchical institutions,
which may always be trusted at heart to detest the re-
publican idea. If Canada were free and independent,
and threw in her lot with this Continent, it would be
another matter. So long as she remains upon our
flank, a possible foe, not upon her own account, but
subject to the orders of a European Power, and ready
to be called by that Power to exert her forces against
us even upon issues that may not concern Canada, I
should let her distinctly understand that we view her
as a menace to the peace and security of our country,
and I should treat her accordingly. She should not be
in the Union and out of the Union at the same time if
I could prevent it. Therefore, I should tax highly all
her products entering the United States; and this I
should do, not in dislike for Canada, but for love of
her, in the hope that it would cause her to realize that
the nations upon this Continent are expected to be
American nations, and I trust, finally, one nation, so
far as the English-speaking portion is concerned. I
should use the rod, not in anger, but in love ; but I

114

What Canada Offers

should use it. She should be either a member of the
Republic or she should stand for her own self, re-
sponsible for her conduct in peace and war, and she
should not shield herself by calling to her aid a for-
eign Power."

I have quoted the opinions of President Roosevelt
and Mr. Carnegie. To them I would add a third, much
less distinguished, but not less typical man, Mr. M.
W. Hazeltine, discussing in 1897 the probable policy
of President McKinley, declaring that if Mr. McKin-
ley were mindful of the pledge, embodied in the plat-
form to which he subscribed, he would apply his in-
fluence and his ability in all lawful ways to further the
movement for the voluntary incorporation of Canada
with the Republic : — "He may not hold that extension
of territory is desirable for its own sake, but he can-
not but recognize that in the case of Canada there
would be also an extension of market, and an exten-
sion of the field of American investments over Cana-
dian mines and enterprises. Nor can he shut his eyes
to the fact — that the annexation of the Dominion of
Canada would mean the final exclusion of war, with,
all its burdens and horrors, from this Continent, and
the secure dedication of North America to industry
and peace."

Mr. Hazeltine's expectations were not fulfilled.
President McKinley did nothing to promote the incor-
poration of Canada with the United States, and on the
whole it was probably just as well. American senti-
ment was slightly, very slightly, ruffled by the out-
break of Jingoism across the border, and some obser-

U5

Interests Betrayed

vations were let fall which showed that American opin-
ion might take alarm if the Dominion were to be per-
manently inoculated with the spirit of militant Im-
perialism. Of that, however, there is little danger.
At the same time it would not be wise to ignore the
fact that with Canada's growing sense of nation-
hood, and our sense of the obligations under which we
lie to the Dominion for the help it rendered to us in
the South African war, will not tend altogether to
facilitate the negotiations which are about to be re-
sumed for the settlement of the few outstanding ques-
tions which still remain to be settled.

The permanent factor which always occasions ir-
ritation on the part of the Americans is the fact that
they can neither deal with Canada alone nor with
Great Britain alone. The influence of the British Gov-
ernment is almost invariably exercised in favor of a
compromise. The Canadians are, however, very stiff
at a bargain, and are very quick to declare that their
interests are being betrayed by the Mother Country if
we do not back them up to the uttermost in the claims
which they make upon the American Government.

Americans, it may be quite erroneously, are of opin-
ion that if Great Britain were out of the way and they
had to deal with Canada alone they would very soon
come to terms, but they resent the Spenlow and Jor-
kins arrangement by which one of the partners always
shelters behind the other. Canada, however, abso-
lutely refuses to be left out of the negotiations of ques-
tions which primarily concern her own interests. Upon

U6

Great Britain Warned

this subject Mr. Carnegie, writing in the Contempo-
rary Review, in November, 1897, said: —

" Ambassador Pauncefote and Secretary of State Blaine,
years ago, agreed upon a settlement of the Behring Sea ques-
tion, and Lord Salisbury telegraphed his congratulations,
through Sir Julian Pauncefote, to Mr. Blaine. The two na-
tions were jointly to police the seas and stop the barbarous de-
struction of the female seals. Canada appeared at Washing-
ton and demanded to see the President of the United States
upon the subject. Audience was denied to the presumptuous
colony ; nevertheless, her action forced Lord Salisbury to dis-
avow the treaty. No confidence here is violated, as Presi-
dent Harrison referred to the subject in a message to Con-
gress. Britain was informed that if she presumed to make
treaties in which Canada was interested without her consent,
she would not have Canada very long. It will be remem-
bered that Canada took precisely the same position in re-
gard to international copyright. It is this long-desired treaty-
making power which Canada has recently acquired for her-
self, at least as far as concerns fiscal policy, so that she need
no longer even consult her suzerain. She can now ap-
pear at Washington, and insist upon being received when
new tariff measures are desired, having suddenly become a
' free nation,' according to her Prime Minister. There are
surprises in store here for the indulgent mother."

Our permanent difficulty, that of inducing the Cana-
dians to accept what we consider a legitimate compro-
mise, but what they are apt to regard as an indefensi-
ble sacrifice of their vital interests, will certainly not
have been diminished by recent events. The Canadians
will feel and say that they did not storm Paardeberg,
in order that Great Britain should give away their
right to Skaguay, or their fishery monopoly, for im-
perial considerations in which they have very remote
interest. If we insist they will sulk, and Mr. Carne-
gie's foreboding prophecy may be realized. There
will be no rupture, but the silken tie will be strained,

m

Canada at a Standstill

and in proportion as it is weakened the pull of the eco-
nomic forces making for union will be increased.

The Canadians are at present smarting under a se-
vere disappointment. The party in power after having
for some years fostered emigration and developed
trade relations with the Mother Country, confidently
expected that the census would reveal a great increase
in the population. In 1891 the census figures were
4,823,875- In 1901 it was hoped that they would re-
port a population of 6,000,000. Imagine the dismay
occasioned by the return of only 5,338,833 residents in
the Dominion. The whole Dominion in ten years has
only added to its population about the same number of
citizens as were added in the same period to the single
State of Minnesota. Of the 513,000 added to the pop-
ulation of Canada, 306,000 are to be found west of On-
tario. The population of Ontario itself is virtually
stationary, an increase of 2 per cent, being neither here
nor there.

Professor Henry Davies, of Yale University, re-
cently summed up his conclusions, arrived at after an
interviewing tour in the Dominion, as follows : —

"Much of Canada's stagnation is due to the in-
ability of her leading men to see that the great assim-
ilating power on this hemisphere is American, and not
English. This the people have already begun to learn.
England has practically capitulated, so far as Canada
is concerned, as recent futile parleyings have shown.
The situation, therefore, wants nothing but better trade
relations with this country to perfect conquest."

What is to be hoped for is that, when the inevitable

U8

Canadian Administration

union takes place, it will be brought about with the
hearty consent and concurrence of the Mother Coun-
try, even if the Mother Country herself does not set
the example to Canada in taking- the initiative in pro-
moting that race alliance towards which everything
seems to point. Should such a union take place it is
probable there would be considerable simplification
of the somewhat complex arrangements now existing
in the Canadian Dominion. Decentralization and
Home Rule are very good things, but they may be car-
ried too far ; and eight separate Parliaments with eight
separate executives seem a somewhat excessive allow-
ance for a population that is not much in excess of the
population of Greater London.

Although both the American and Canadian consti-
tutions are based upon the federal principle, there is
considerable difference in the way in which this prin-
ciple is applied. In the United States the federal
power is strictly defined. The Congress at Washing-
ton has no power to legislate but on certain specified
subjects. All others not specially reserved for the cen-
tral power are left to be dealt with according to the
sovereign will of each of the federated states. In
Canada the problem is approached from the other end.
The powers of the provincial parliaments are strictly
defined, while the undefined residue is left to the Par-
liament of the Dominion.

The Canadian judiciary is federal throughout the
whole Dominion, and the judges are not elective. In
the United States the judiciary is both federal and
local, and the local judges are elected by popular vote.

\\9

Canadian Administration

Laws of banking, of commerce, and of marriage are
federal in the Dominion, and are left to the States in
the Republic. It is extremely difficult to amend the
American Constitution, whereas the Canadian Consti-
tution can be amended wtihout much difficulty. When
there is a dispute between the local authorities or be-
tween the provincial governments and the Federal
Government, there is an appeal in the last instance to
the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London.
In the United States the Supreme Court at Washing-
ton is the final authority.

In many respects the Canadian administration, es-
pecially that part which concerns the welfare of In-
dians, compares favorably with that of the United
States. The contrast between the administration of
justice in mining districts in Canada and in the United
States has frequently been commented upon by the
Americans themselves. There is none of the free
shooting in the Canadian mining camps which used
to be so characteristic of California. The same men
who were ready to shoot at sight in Colorado no
sooner crossed the 49th parallel of latitude than they
recognized that free shooting was contrary to the law
of the land, and that no one had a pull which was good
for anything with the Canadian justices.

These questions of detail, although interesting and
important, are not vital, except in so far as they tend
to show that if the Dominion and the Republic are ever
to be merged in one greater union, both parties to the
marriage will bring an ample dower, both moral and
material to the common stock.
120

Canadian Administration

It is not impossible that the Nemesis which follows
the South African war may tend to operate against
the unity of the Empire. The Canadians, especially
those who served in Strathcona's Horse, did not carry
back with them to Canada a very high appreciation
of the military genius of the British officer or the or-
ganizing capacity of the British War Office.

Like all the Colonials engaged in this war, they felt
themselves to be far and away better men than the
Regulars whom they were sent to assist. Some of
them came home convinced that the Boers were in the
right, and that England had enlisted their services in
a bad cause. They said nothing, but waited. They
are waiting still. The spectacle which the British
Army offers to the Empire to-day is not conducive to
the development of Imperial pride.

The Colonists were willing enough to help the
Mother Country out of a temporary scrape, it being
understood that the said Mother Country was still a
going concern, that dry rot had not sapped her
strength, that her statesmen were not dotards, and her
administrators amateur dilettanti, and that, in short,
there was honor and glory in being connected with
what was believed to be the greatest, the wisest, the
strongest of the Empires of the world.

But with the whole British army lying foundered
month after month in South Africa, what are they to
think of it? Has the Mother Country then become
only a toothless old granddame, whose faculties have
all gone to fat, and who has neither the wit to make
peace or the skill to make war ? They do not say so as

\2\

The Awakening

yet, nay, they are even preparing to send out another
contingent to her assistance, but some such conviction
must be forcing its way home to the Colonial mind.
How much longer is it to last ? And if Britannia is in
her dotage, if her people are decadent and a piano and
cook-stove mobility is all that her officers are capable
of, then how long will it be before the cry of "To your
tents, O Israel," or its modern equivalent, "Hail Co-
lumbia," is raised in the Dominion?

It is a question of considerable interest just now to
many people of whom President Roosevelt is easily the
most considerable.

J22

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Seventh

Of Australia

One of the great events of the past twelve months
was the opening of the first Parliament of the Aus-
tralian Commonwealth by the heir to the British
Crown. The event was held with immense enthusiasm
throughout the Empire, as a public ceremonial demon-
stration of the closeness of the tie which binds the
island continent of the Southern Seas with the mother-
land of the race.

It may seem, therefore, singularly out of place to
discuss at such a time the question whether even at
the Antipodes the pull of the American Republic will
be felt by the Australian Commonwealth. It must be
admitted, of course, that the force of gravitation di-
minishes according to the distance at which it is exer-
cised, and Australia is by no means subject to the same
continuous temptation to throw in her lot with the
Americans to which the West India Islands and Can-
ada are subject.

Nevertheless, even in this first year a good many
things have happened to give us cause to think, if

J23

The Australian Tariff

not furiously, at least seriously „ as to whether the net
effect of the Federation of the Australian Colonies will
tend so much to the consolidation of the Empire as we
all wish to believe.

To begin with, the very first result of the Consti-
tution of the Australian Commonwealth has been to
put up a tariff wall between Great Britain and the in-
dependent sister nation at the Antipodes that is more
of a barrier than a bond of union.

To take only a small illustration of this. The Aus-
tralasian Review of Reviews, which was founded in the
interests of the Empire, and for the purpose of pro-
moting the Union of the English-speaking peoples, is
an off-shoot of the parent Review of Reviews. At
least half of the contents of each number is printed
from proofs sent from London. The immediate ef-
fect of the new tariff has been to increase the cost of
the production of the Australasian Review of Reviews.
A 10 per cent, duty has been imposed upon paper, and
25 per cent, upon the ink with which it is printed.

All magazines printed in the Mother Country and
exported ready-made to Australia must pay a duty.
It is a very small matter, but it illustrates the point
that the new order of things at the Antipodes has had
some results not altogether promoting the realization
of the King's ideal that Australia should be regarded
as much part and parcel of the United Kingdom as
Kent or Sussex. In framing the Australian tariff, the
Government refused absolutely to follow the example
of Canada. No preference whatever has been allowed
to British goods.
J 24

Unfilial Jealousy

The Germans and the Americans, who bear none of
the expense and undertake none of the responsibility
for defending Australia, are as free to send in their
goods as the British tax-payer who has to bear the
whole burden of Imperial defence. I am not com-
plaining of this, only mentioning it as an indication
that the Australian Commonwealth has shown no sym-
pathy with those Imperialists who think that the unity
of the Empire can best be attained and maintained by
an Imperial Zollverein.

Not only have the Australians imposed new taxes
upon British goods, but their attitude on the question
of the appeals to the Privy Council showed a sensi-
tive jealousy in relation to the Mother Country. Mr.
Chamberlain, in the very heyday of his popularity,
found himself pulled up sharply by the refusal of the
Australians to accept any settlement of the question of
the Court of final appeal except the one which they
liked. Right or wrong, they insisted upon having their
own way, and, as usual, they got it.

There is now no right of appeal to the Privy Coun-
cil or to any English Court for the decision of any
questions as to the interpretation of the Constitution
or of the merits of conflicting claims of the separate
States, unless the Australian High Court itself should
certify that the question should be determined by the
Privy Council. At the same time any appellant can
appeal from the State Court direct to the Privy
Council, without going through the Federal High
Court — a provision which we owe to the wisdom of
Mr. Chamberlain, and which will almost certainly

J25

Australian Problems

result in conflicting decisions upon points of law. In
the main, however, the Australians carried their
point, and barred any appeal from the decision of their
own High Court excepting by permission of that High
Court itself.

A third point which is worth remembering and dis-
cussing in the question of the possible merging of
Australia into the greater federation of all the English-
speaking peoples, is the fact that in framing the Aus-
tralian Commonwealth the Australians on one vital
principle elected to follow the example of the United
States rather than that of the Canadian Dominion. In
Canada, it has already been stated, the Canadians de-
fined the powers of the Provincial Assemblies and left
all other powers to the Federal Parliament. In Aus-
tralia they followed the American precedent.

As Sir John Cockburn told the International Com-
mercial Congress that met at Philadelphia in October,
1899, the United States Constitution for the last ten
vears had been well-thumbed and well-read in the
Australian Colonies. "Our problem," he said, "has
been throughout almost identical with yours." And it
is not surprising that he should go on to say : "In the
fundamental characteristic of our constitution we have
followed the example of the United States, and have
placed only enumerated powers in the hands of the
Federal authority, reserving all unenumerated powers
for the State. Our cardinal condition is that only
enumerated powers are placed in the hands of Federal
authority."

These enumerated powers differ somewhat from

\26

Improving the Example

those of the United States, in that the questions of
marriage and divorce are reserved for the Federal
Parliament, whereas in America each State has its
own law of marriage and divorce. On the other hand,
they followed the American example in calling the
two Houses of the Federal Legislature, the Senate, and
the House of Representatives, and, as is the case in
the United States, each State enjoys equally inalien-
able rights of representation in the Senate, no matter
whether its population be large or small, and no mat-
ter whether its area be extensive or limited. They
have, however, departed from the American precedent
by constituting the Senate by direct election, and also
by making it easier to amend the Constitution.

A constitutional amendment in Australia must first
be passed by an absolute majority of both Houses in
the Federal Parliament, or by one House on two oc-
casions if rejected by the other. The amendment has
then to be referred to the people of the several States,
and a double majority of States and of people is nec-
essary before the amendment takes effect. It is prob-
able that if a plebiscite of the citizens of the United
States could be taken to-day, the majority would de-
clare in favor of their modifying their own constitution.
Except these three points, namely, Federal law for
marriage and divorce, direct election of Senators, and
greater elasticity in readjusting the provisions of the
altered needs to the new time, the Australian Consti-
tution does not much differ from the American.

Australia is following in the steps of the United
States in other matters besides the fashioning of its

J27

A New Monroe Doctrine

constitution. The new Parliament is not yet a year old,
but it has already formulated a demand pregnant with
great consequences for the adoption of a Monroe doc-
trine for the Pacific. The question arose in the de-
bate upon a New Guinea Protectorate, and the demand
that the Australian Government should press for the
adoption by the Empire of a Monroe doctrine for the
Pacific met with unanimous support. The Prime Min-
ister undertook to carry out the wishes of representa-
tives of the Commonwealth, and thus at a bound Aus-
tralia has leapt into the international area, with a de-
mand, avowedly fashioned upon the American prece-
dent, which will be regarded as a direct challenge by
all the States which have possessions in the Pacific.
The policy may be right or it may be wrong; but it
has at least the excellent quality of precision. It is an
unmistakable proclamation on the part of the new Com-
monwealth that no European or Asiatic Power is to be
allowed to extend its dominions in the Pacific ocean.
It does not yet appear whether the doctrine is to be ex-
panded so far as to include the United States of Amer-
ica. Probably not.* Neither is it quite clear from the
brief telegram which is all that has yet reached this

* In this connection it is interesting to remember that Sena-
tor Proctor suggested some two or three years ago that in
Asia. Britain and the United States should replace the wan-
ing Imperialism of old Rome by a new Imperialism destined
to carry the world-wide principles of Anglo-Saxon peace
and justice, liberty and law. The measures which he sug-
gests as necessary to achieve this end are the following: —

(i) A Treaty of Arbitration in which all nations should be
invited to .join, but which in the first case should be nego-
tiated between the United States, Great Britain and Holland.

128

Probable Consequences

country, what are the limits of the area within which
the Australian Monroe doctrine is to apply.

As the demand arose out of a debate on the ques-
tion of New Guinea, it is probable that the area cov-
ered by this new interdict includes all the islands on
this side of the Straits of Malacca, even if it does not
also include the great island of Sumatra, where the
Dutch for many years past have been at war with the
Atchinese.

Following the precedent of the Monroe doctrine,
there will be no immediate demand that the powers
which have already seated themselves on the islands
in the seas adjacent to Australia should haul down
their flags and depart, for which mercy we may well
express our thanks. But as there is a tendency among
the Americans to expand the Monroe doctrine so far
as to convert it into a reserved notice to quit to all
European Powers whose flags are temporarily toler-
ated in the New World, so we may be pretty certain
that the Australian Monroists, if encouraged, will in-
timate pretty plainly that the presence of the Dutch in
Java and Sumatra, the Germans in New Guinea and
Samoa, and the French in New Caledonia and Tahiti,
is only tolerated during good behavior, and that any
manifestation of a desire on their part to extend the
area of their territories will be held to be good and
sufficient reason for bundling them out bag and bag-
gage over the seas which are now earmarked and ex-
clusively reserved for Australians or at least for
English-speaking men.

What the European Powers will think of this, it is

J29

The Straining Point

easy to imagine. The Spectator, some time ago, inti-
mated, not obscurely, that nothing was more likely
than that the Australians, casting covetous eyes on
Java, would endeavor to eject the Dutch ; but although
there are no limits to the fantasies of the Spectator,
there are some limits to the resources of the Imperial
Government.

Of course, any attempt to enforce the Australian
Monroe doctrine for the Pacific would be futile unless
the Australians could wield, not only the small squad-
ron which they maintain in Australian waters, but the
war fleets of the Empire. It is easy to see what
dangers the adoption of such a policy by the Empire
would entail upon us in the four quarters of the world.
It is equally easy to see the angry disappointment
which will be occasioned in Australia if an unsympa-
thetic answer is returned from Downing Street.

One thing is quite certain, and that is, that if the
Empire were to attempt to put a ring-fence round the
unoccupied lands of the Pacific, it would in a very
short time be compelled to undertake the duty of oc-
cupying and administering them all. This might not
be difficult with the smaller unappropriated islands
which would not pay the expense of administration,
but it would be very different with the islands which
lie between the straits of Malacca and the Gulf of Car-
pentaria.

Sir Julius Vogel long ago proposed to proclaim a

protectorate on behalf of New Zealand over all the

Pacific islands — a bold step which, if it had been

taken then, might have averted many of the dangers

130

Australia for the White

which would have to be faced if a similar policy were
adopted to-day. Since Sir Julius Vogel's time, Ger-
many has entered into the Pacific, and there will be
small disposition on the part of the other Powers to
recognize a mere paper protectorate. For the mo-
ment, however, we may dismiss the subject, merely
noting the fact as one more point in which Australian
policy is more in accord with that of the United States
than with that of the United Kingdom.

We now approach the subject which of all others
is most likely to strain to breaking point the ties be-
tween the Commonwealth and the Mother Country.
Australia is an undeveloped continent, the northern
half of which lies within the tropics, that is to say,
there is a region as large as the whole of Europe with-
out Russia, which it is practically impossible to develop
without colored labor. Opinion is divided on this
point. The colony which lies within the tropical zone
speaks with two voices. The Queensland delegates in
the Federal Parliament assert that white men can do
all the work that is needed in the sugar plantations,
while the Queensland Government holds exactly the
opposite opinion, and maintains that any interdict upon
colored labor will be fatal to the Colony.

When doctors disagree, the people decide, and when
Queensland herself speaks with a double voice, the
uninstructed outsider must draw his own conclusions.
Of one thing there is no doubt, and that is that wheth-
er white men can or cannot live and thrive while per-
forming arduous manual labor under a tropical sun.
the white man won't. It is equally certain that the

J3J

Australia for the White

brown and the yellow man are only too anxious to
have an opportunity to earn their living by converting
the wilderness into a garden. There are more millions
of Indian coolies, Chinese laborers, and Japanese hus-
bandmen ready to open up and develop the immense
agricultural and mineral resources of Northern Aus-
tralia, than there are white men in the whole conti-
nent. But, again, following the example of the United
States, the Federal Parliament is absolutely opposed
to the introduction of colored labor.

The cry of a White Australia has carried all before
it, and the members have shown an almost fanatic
zeal in fencing round the Island Continent with a
high wall foi the exclusion of Chinese, Japanese, and
Indian coolies. They have even gone the length of re-
fusing to pay a subsidy for the carriage of mails to any
steamship company which employ Lascars. Mr. Cham-
berlain objected to any strong measure of exclusion
against Asiatics. But he had no objection to their ex-
clusion by means of an educational test which, as it
will be administered, many members of the Federal
Parliament themselves would find much difficulty in
passing. In regard to the question whether colored
labor should be employed, Mr. Chamberlain vetoed
this on the two-fold ground that it was impossible for
the Imperial Government to sanction the exclusion of
the King's own subjects from a British colony, and that
such an interdict might involve the Imperial Govern-
ment with other Powers, possibly with Japan.

All the arguments which are now being used in
America to secure the renewal of the Chinese Ex-

J32

The New Commonwealth

elusion Bill are brought out and urged in order to
lock and double-lock the door of Australia against any
influx of Asiatics. Here, again, Australia is proclaim-
ing a policy which can only be enforced by the aid of
the Imperial fleet. One of the great achievements of
which the civilized Powers were very proud in the
nineteenth century was the success with which they
battered in the gates which the Japanese had locked
and double-locked against the invasion of Europeans.
Having battered down the front door of the Japanese
house, and hailed it as a great triumph of civilization,
the Australians are now calling upon us to keep the
Japanese from battering down the barrier which has
been built up to prevent the ingress of Asiatics into
Australia.

Yet in the latter case there is admittedly ample room
to spare for millions of Japanese, and unless their la-
bor is employed, vast tracts of territory exceeding in
extent the whole of the area of the Japanese islands
will remain practically useless to mankind. The
Japanese conservatives, whose resistance we overcame
by the summary persuasion of our cannon, could at
least claim that they had filled up their own country,
and that there was no waste land for settlers. Such
considerations, however, do not weigh for much with
the rulers of the new Commonwealth. They have
made up their mind that Australia is to be reserved for
white men. No yellow, brown, or black man need ap-
ply, not even although it should be a demonstrable fact
that without his labor hundreds of thousands of square

J33

In the Opinion of Mark Twain

miles of fertile land must remain unreclaimed from the
wilderness.

It is obvious from this brief survey of some of the
points upon which possible friction may arise that the
Australians may demand from the Home Government
that which the Home Government cannot concede.
The new Commonwealth, in the pride of its youth, will
find it very difficult to confine its enthusiasm within
limits necessary for the welfare of the Empire.

There will be a very strong party in the Common-
wealth in favor of independence. The Sydney Bul-
letin, a weekly serio-comic journal, which has done
much to preach the gospel of the Australian Common-
wealth, and is the only weekly paper which circulates
throughout the whole colony, is the most uncompro-
mising advocate of Australia for the Australians that
could be found anywhere in the Empire. It deserves
great credit for the unflinching intrepidity with which
it opposed the South African War, but it has to be
reckoned with as a permanent force against the main-
tenance of the Imperial tie.

Apart from these political points on which the Aus-
tralians resemble the Americans, there are others ob-
vious to everyone who has visited the Antipodes.

When Mark Twain visited Australia he found the
Australians in many respects exceedingly American.
Eor instance, in his "More Tramps Abroad," he Said : —

" Sydney has a population of 400,000. When a stranger
from America steps ashore there, the first thing that strikes
him is that it is an English city with American trimmings.
Later on, in Melbourne, he will find the American trimming
still more in evidence. There even the architecture will often

J34

Australians as a People

suggest America. The photograph of its stateliest business
street might be passed off for a picture of the finest street
in a large American city."

He did not, however, see any need for Australia fol-
lowing the example of the American Colonies. He
said : —

" There seems to be a party that would have Australia
cut loose from the British Empire, and set up housekeeping
on her own account. It seems an unwise idea. They point to the
United States ; but it seems to me that the cases lack a good
deal of being alike. Australia governs herself wholly. There
is no interference. If our case had been the same, we should
not have gone out when we did. But the Americans are
welcomed in Australia. One of the speakers at the Com-
memoration Banquet at Adelaide, the Minister of Public
Works, was an American born and reared in New Zealand.
There is nothing narrow about the province politically or in
any other way that I know of. Sixty-four different religions
and a Yankee Cabinet Minister. No amount of horse-racing
can damn this community."

Where the Australians differ from the Americans
is in the absence of any element corresponding to the
ethical leaven of the Pilgrim Fathers. In the whole
of their history the Australians have never passed
through the hard experiences which discipline nations.
They have been the spoiled children of the human race.
War, pestilence and famine, the three scourges of man-
kind, have never compelled them to realize the sterner
realities of existence. They have never experienced
any deeper emotions than those engendered by the
vicissitudes of the South African War.

They are splendid cricketers, matchless horsemen,
and devoted to all manner of sport. Sport, indeed,

J35

Australians as a People

may be said to be the Australian religion, and with
them the chief end of man is to him to have a good
time. A self-indulgent and undisciplined race which
is suddenly called upon to cope with the delicate and
dangerous problems of international policy is certain
to be wilful, impulsive, impetuous, not to say reckless
in the pursuit of its ideals.

The late Mr. Francis Adams, who for some time
was on the staff of the Sydney Bulletin, gave a very
sombre account of the citizens of the New Common-
wealth. He said : —

" Educated in a secular manner, even in the denominational
grammar schools, our New World youth is a pure Positivist
and Materialist. Religion seems to him at best a social affair,
to whose inner appeal he is profoundly indifferent. History
is nothing to him, and all he knows or cares for England lies
in his resentment and curiosity concerning London. Sunday
is rapidly becoming Continental, more and more the charac-
teristics of a careless, pleasure-loving race are developed, that
is secularly educated. The true Gallio gets his own way.
History is identified with religion, and as such excluded from
the curriculum, so that the sense of the poetry of the past and
the solidarity of the race is rapidly being lost to the young
Australian. To the next generation England will be a geo-
graphical expression, and the Empire a myth in imminent
danger of becoming a bogey."

Mr. David Christie Murray declared that the Aus-
tralians were the rowdiest and most drunken popula-
tion in the world : —

" Parental control, as we Know it in England, has died out
entirely. There is no reverence in the rising generation, and
the ties of home are slight. Age and experience count for
little, the whole country is filled with a feverish and restless
energy. Everybody is in a hurry to be rich."

136

Australian Types

Sir Charles Gavan Duffy eleven years ago, before
Federation had been accomplished, thus described Aus-
tralia and the Australians : —

" There are six States which possess more natural wealth,
wider territory, a better climate, and richer mineral deposits
than the six great Kingdoms in Europe, where a new Eng-
land, a new Italy, a new France, a new Spain, and a new
Austria are in rapid process of growth, and are already occu-
pied by a picked population. They are no insignificant hand-
ful of men — these Australian colonists ; they are more numer-
ous than the people of England were when they won Magna
Charta, or the people of the United States were when the
Stars and Stripes were first hoisted to the sky — resolute, im-
patient men, not unworthy, to follow such examples on ade-
quate occasions."

When the late Henry George visited Australia he
was much impressed with the fact that the English
characteristics of Australians were only on the sur-
face : —

" It seemed to me that in spite of the retention of English
ways and habits, the Australian type that is developing is
nearer to the American than to the British. The new coun-
try, the fresher, freer life, the better diffusion of wealth, are
telling in the same way on the English that have taken root
in Australia as on the English that took root in America.
There are, I think, in the people, and especially in the native-
born evidences of the very inventiveness, the same self-reli-
ance and push, the same independence, the same quickness of
thought and movement, the same self-satisfaction and spread-
eagletiveness as are supposed to be characteristic of our own.
The Australian States are only nominally colonies. They are
in reality in all things of practical importance self-governing
Republics. With the political connection with Great Britain,
which under present conditions combines security with free-
dom, there is no restiveness, neither do I think there is any
loyalty more than skin-deep. The tariff legislation, in which
Great Britain is treated as any other foreign country, is a
-more substantial declaration of independence than any mere

J37

Speak English or German"

formal declaration could be. As for feeling towards the
United States, it is fully as good and as warm as we deserve.
I am inclined to think that the Australians would be quick to
respond to any proposition from us for reciprocity. We
could virtually annex Australia as we could virtually annex
Canada, and Great Britain by the simple process of abolish-
ing our tariff and raising our revenues by means not in them-
selves corrupt."

Henry George's suggestion as to reciprocity may
bear fruit. President Roosevelt received from his
predecessor as an inheritance the adoption of a policy
of reciprocity. The connection between Australia and
the Pacific Coast is very close. Even now mails sent
from London via San Francisco reach New Zealand a
fortnight earlier than mails sent by any other route.

The Americans, eager for new markets, will find a
better opening for their manufactures in Australia
than in the Philippines. Nor will they have any set-
off in the shape of military charges or cost of adminis-
tration. Should the Australians ever declare for inde-
pendence, the strain of the rupture will lead them
naturally to seek for support where it can be found,
and the history and traditions of the United States
render it impossible that they should look in vain for
the sympathy and support of the American Republic.

One of the most interesting questions of the future
is whether the Australians of the future will speak
English or German. At present all the odds are in
favor of English, but the chance that the majority
of men who would people Australia at the end of the
century may speak German and not English is greater
than most English people have yet realized.

J38

The Birth-Rate Danger

&'

According to the last census returns, the total popu-
lation of the Australian Commonwealth was under
four millions, the exact figures being 3,777,212 or less
than the population of London. In the previous dec-
ade the total increase was 593,975- There was prac-
tically no gain by emigration. The increase from that
source was only 5,328, most if not all of whom were
either Japanese, Hindus, or Kanakas. The Australian
legislators and journalists have sounded the alarm
over the extent to which the Australian parents have
adopted as a rule of life the preventive limitation of
the family.

According to Mr. Coghlan's recently published book
entitled "A Study in Statistics," between 1895 and
1898 the average birth-rate in New South Wales has
declined by one-third, and there are fewer children
under ten years of age in Victoria than there were ten
years ago. In New South Wales in 1885, 546,000
women between the ages of eighteen and fifty produced
as many children as 665,767 women of the same ages
in 1898. The number of children born to wives of
Australian birth is 3.5 ; in France it is 3.4. Thirty
years ago the average in Australia was 5.31. The
birth-rate has fallen in the United Kingdom but noth-
ing like to the same extent.

The average number of children per marriage in
the United Kingdom was 4.36 ten years ago. In 1900
it had fallen to 3.63, a reduction of nearly 7 per cent.
A population which has ceased to increase and multi-
ply, and has arrived at a birth-rate almost identical
with that which for several years past arrested the in-

*39

Germanized Australia

crease of population in France, cannot count confi-
dently upon controlling the future of the continent
upon the rim of which it has squatted.

Australia in geographical extent is large enough
to include the whole of the United States, with the
exception of Florida and Alaska. It is, with the ex-
ception of Siberia, the one vast unoccupied habitable
expanse left on the world's surface. If the Australians
are ceasing to increase and multiply and replenish the
earth, and are confining themselves merely to keeping
up their numbers with a small annual increase, they
need not expect to be able to monopolize the posses-
sion of the vast hinterland which could afford homes
for the overflow of Europe for the next hundred years.

If the Australians are ceasing to breed, the Ger-
mans are not. For the last ten years the great de-
velopment of manufacturing industry in Germany has
practically arrested the outflow of emigrants from
the Fatherland. But the present financial crisis in the
German Empire will turn on the tap once more. Even
without any such distinct impetus to emigration, it is
obvious that Central Europe must again begin to pour
cut a steady stream of her surplus population for
which there is no room at home.

Hitherto the great stream of German emigrants has
been ' directed to the United States of America. But
there the English-speaking people have got too much
start. They are too numerous and too powerful for
the Germans ever to hope to destroy the English-
speaking character of the United States. It is dif-
ferent iii Australia. It is by no means beyond the pale

HO

Germans Good Colonists

of possibility that German emigration, if directed to the
Antipodes, might reach a quarter of a million a year.
In ten years one-half of the population of Australia
would be of German origin.

If Germans breed and Australians will not, the
future will unquestionably lie with the most prolific
race. Australia to the German offers every advan-
tage of a German colony, and none of the disadvan-
tages. Every German settler is as free to take up
land in Australia as if he were born in the United
Kingdom. The Germans have already effected a lodg-
ment in the Antipodes.

Mr. Sutherland, who contributed to the Centennial
of May, 1900, an article on the German Villages, de-
clared that there were few Colonies in which a Con-
tinental European nation had left so distinctly its
national and racial mark. At the same time there were
from 30,000 to 40,000 German colonists in Australia.
They were chiefly to be found in South Australia.
For many miles north and south of Port Mannum the
country is dotted with German farms, and the farmers
are developing vine-growing, Mr. Sutherland says : —

"The stream of German emigration to South Australia
never ceases. It is not a matter of fits and starts ; it goes on
quietly from year to year, and the proportion of German
colonists steadily keeps pace with the growth of the popula-
tion. The affinity of kinship, religion, and language has
proved more powerful than any disintegrating influence. At
the present time there is reason to believe that the flow of
German colonization is largely on the increase. By the last
census it appeared that the number of colonists who owned
Germany as their birthplace was almost exactly equal to the
sum total of those who were born in all the other Australian
Colonies. Some of the finest steamers in the Australian trade

HI

New Zealand's Leanings

are now engaged in bringing passengers direct from Bremen
and Antwerp to the chief cities of Australia. Adelaide re-
ceives a large proportion of this influx."

The Germans make good colonists. They do not
crowd to the towns as the Australians do. They
abide by the Lutheran religion, and, although they
cherish their own language, they become good Aus-
tralian citizens. There is not much probability that
even if Australia became a German-speaking land,
it would place itself under the domination of the Ger-
man Empire. But at the present moment, taking a
wide lookout over the world, there seems to be much
better chance of creating a Greater Germany beyond
the sea in Australia than anywhere else on the world's
surface.

I have said nothing in this chapter about New Zea-
land, which appears to be developing her destinies
quite independently of Australia. At present it would
seem as if New Zealand had a greater attraction for
the United States than the United States for New
Zealand. There is no country in the world whose
social experiments are watched with greater interest
by the younger school of American economists and
politicians than those which have been carried out
by that Colony.

Should the industrial development of the United
States take a trend in the direction of State socialism,
it is to the experiments of New Zealand that the Ameri-
can legislators will look for guidance as to what to do
and what to avoid doing. But whether the attraction
is exercised by New Zealand upon the United States

J42

Loyalty of Colonists

or by the United States upon New Zealand, it cannot
fail to unite the two countries more closely together
by ties of common interest. Although there is but
little trace of American influence in New Zealand at
present.

Writing on the question of the future relations of
the United States and New Zealand in the Nineteenth
Century in 1890, Mr. Bakewell, a very intelligent resi-
dent in Auckland, New Zealand, expressed an em-
phatic opinion as to the readiness of the New Zealand-
ers at that time to transfer their allegiance from the
British Empire to the United States of America. He
said : —

" If Australia became independent, Canada would follow
suit, and the probability is that a great federation of English-
speaking Republics would be formed, including the United
States. In that case New Zealand would join as a separate
State, as Texas did. If the question of annexation as a State
to the United States of North America were put to the vote
to-morrow, there would not be a thousand votes against it."

That was eleven years ago. Mr. Bakewell would
not repeat it to-day. In 1890 there was very little
Imperial feeling in New Zealand. Loyalty was chiefly
confined to those colonists who were British-born.
The younger generation sat very loosely to the Em-
pire.

" If you want to keep us from Republicanism," said Mr.
Bakewell, " you must let us see something of royalty."

The hint has been taken, and the recent tour of the
Duke and Duchess of Cornwall and York has been

J43

A Contrast

exploited to the uttermost in the interests of the Em-
pire. Nevertheless, there is no more independent com-
munity on the world's surface than New Zealand, nor
any which would more angrily resent any attempt to
cross its will.

It is impossible to repress a somewhat sardonic
smile at the thought of Mr. Seddon beating the war-
drum and sending forth contingent after contingent
of New Zealand youth in order to suppress the inde-
pendence of the South African Republics, when every-
one knows perfectly well that he and all the New Zea-
landers would have rushed to arms long before if Mr.
Chamberlain had interfered one-tenth as much with
the internal affairs of New Zealand as he did with
those of the Transvaal.

President Kruger was a much less independent po-
tentate than Mr. Seddon ; and New Zealand as an
"independent sister nation" is much more independent
of control from Downing Street than the Transvaal
would be if its independence were restored to-morrow,
with such treaty limitations as even President Kruger
is now willing to accept.

X44

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Eighth

A Crucible of Nations

The United States of America owes no small por-
tion of its exuberant energies to the fact that there
has poured into that Continent for the last fifty years
a never-ceasing flood of emigrants recruited for the
most part from the more energetic, enterprising and
adventurous members of the Old World. The United
States has taken the place of the United Kingdom as
the natural refuge of the political refugee.

There is not a country in Europe which has not
contributed of its best to build up the American peo-
ple. The tradition of the Mayflower has been main-
tained to this day. It is true that most of those who
have migrated to the United States have not gone
thither to seek freedom and to worship God so much as
to seek opportunity to earn a decent livelihood; but
there has never failed a goodly proportion of those who
were driven from the Old World by the lash of the
persecutor. But whether they have emigrated for
conscience' sake, or whether they came in search of
filthy lucre, they have always been above the average.

U5

The Elements of Greatness

Sometimes the motive which drove them westward
has been a desire to escape from justice or to evade
the obligations of citizenship ; but whether the mo-
tive in itself was respectable or disreputable, the fact
that it sufficed to transfer so many human bodies across
3,000 miles of ocean to new homes in a new world
showed at least that the souls which give mobility to
these human bodies were capable of taking risks, of
facing the unknown, and of submitting to the sacrifice
entailed by severance from the environment of their
childhood.

In other words, the nineteen millions of emigrants
who have crossed the Atlantic in the last century to find
homes in the United States have been men of faith.
They believed in themselves ; they believed in the fu-
ture, and although in a very material sense they sought
a better city than that into which they had been born ;
they were masters of their destiny.

The crowded millions of the Old World who are
born and live and die in the district in which they
happen to be born represent the vis inertia: of Europe.
The nineteen millions who cross the Atlantic repre-
sent its aspirations and its energy. Many of them,
no doubt, were driven westward by the scourge of
starvation. But many millions who suffered as much
as they, remained behind, lacking the energy necessary
to transport them to another hemisphere.

The emigrant population, therefore, possesses pre-
eminently this characteristic that it has sufficient life
to have motion, sufficient faith to face the future, under
the unknown conditions of a new world, and sufficient

J 46

Human Ingots

capacity to acquire the means requisite to transport
them across the Atlantic. This emigration, which is
often regarded by Americans as an element of danger,
has probably contributed more than any other, except
the Puritan education of New England, to the mak-
ing of the Republic.

The American, it is evident, is no mere Englishman
transplanted to another continent. In his veins flows
the blood of a dozen non-English races. The Eng-
lish, some say, can claim only an antiquarian interest
in the new race which has emerged from the furnace
pot into which all nationalities have been smelted down
in order to produce that richest ingot of humanity,
the modern American.* But there is surely no need
for this vehement repudiation of the nation which first
colonized Virginia and equipped the Mayflower. As
for the foreign element in the human conglomerate,
that troubles us little. We English are a composite
race. It is no small part of the secret of our great-
ness.

If the North American Continent may be compared

* I hope that this may not bring a blush to the cheek of
any American, for, as Mr. W. D. Howells wrote in 1897,
" Whatever Europe may think to the contrary, we are now
really a modest people." But when I read the speech of Mr.
Cummins, the Governor-elect of Iowa, at the New York
Chamber of Commerce dinner, I was reassured. For Mr.
Cummins declared that " In the depth and breadth of char-
acter, in the volume of hope and ambition, in the universality
of knowledge, in reverence for law and order, in the beauty
and sanctity of our homes, in sobriety, in respect for the
rights of others, in recognition of the duties of citizenship,
and in the ease and honor with which we tread the myriad
paths leading from rank to rank, in life, our people surpass
all their fellow-men."

J 47

Blending of Races

to a mammoth blast furnace, in which the crude ores
quarried in many diverse mines are being smelted into
a human compound, quite distinct and diverse from
any of its constituents, these islands of ours may be
described as a crucible in which the same process has
been going on for ages. We are emphatically a mixed
race. The process which we witness on a great scale
and with immense rapidity in Chicago and New York
has been going on for centuries in Britain. Aborigi-
nal Briton, conquering Roman, marauding Pict, dev-
astating Saxon, piratical Dane, plundering Norse-
men and civilizing Norman, were all used up in the
blend labelled English.

Long after the English stock emerged from the
crucible of war, it was continually improved by the
addition of foreign elements. French Huguenots,
German emigrants, fugitive Jews, Dutchmen and
Spaniards, all added more or less of a foreign strain
to our English blood. It has been our salvation. The
mixing of Welsh and Irish, Scotch and English, Celts
of the Highland and Danes of Northumberland, which
has gone on for centuries and is going on to-day, has
produced a type which is being reproduced on a
gigantic scale and with infinite modifications across
the Atlantic.

That they are not the same but diverse is a matter
of course. Even the American Constitution, fash-
ioned, as its founders believed, on the lines of the
British, differs notably from its model. There is no
such thing as a common race even in England, let
alone in the United States. We are all conglomerates,

(48

The Smelting Pot

with endlessly varying constituents. But we have at
least a common language, and we all own allegiance
to Shakespeare if to no other man of woman born.

As Professor Waldstein pointed out the English-
speaking nations possess seven of the elements which
go to constitute a nationality, viz., a common language ;
common forms of government ; common culture, in-
cluding customs and institutions ; a common history ;
a common religion, and, finally, common interests.

But the United Kingdom was a crucible the size of.
a tea-cup. In the United States we find a crucible
of Continental dimensions. A process which in Eng-
land has spread over centuries has been carried on in
the United States within the lifetime of generations.
But, notwithstanding all this vast influx from beyond
the Seas, it has failed to submerge the distinctively
English-speaking American. The New Englander is
still on top, and likely to remain so, although in many
of the great cities he has been dethroned for a time
by the Irish and their bosses.

The greatest thing which the Americans have done,
much greater than the conquest of the Philippines or
the invasion of the English market, or even than the
suppression of the great Rebellion, has been the super-
intendence of this vast crucible. The greatest achieve-
ment was the smelting of men of all nationalities into
one dominant American type, or — to vary the meta-
phor— weaving all these diverse threads of foreign ma-
terial into one uniform texture of American civilization.

It has been done very largely in great cities, and the
work has been taken in hand by men who are very

H9

Making the Citizen

far from conscious artificers of providential designs.
Tammany and its related political organizations have
done a work, the full value of which is still far from
being adequately appreciated either at home or abroad.
These corrupt organizations, impelled solely by their
own political ambitions, were nevertheless the most
efficient agencies for grafting this multidinous myriad
of foreign emigrants upon the American trunk.

The Italian or Polish emigrant who arrives in New
York and Chicago with a few dollars in his pocket
and with no word of English on his tongue would have
perished, had it not been that in the Ward Heeler and
the Captain of the precincts into which he had drifted,
he found a friend who, in return for political service
to be rendered in future, was a very present help in
time of need. He found him lodgings in a tenement
house ; he often found him work ; he found him an
interpreter. When he got into trouble with the police,
he bailed him out or paid his fine, or used his pull with
the magistrate to enable him to escape unwhipped of
justice; when he was ill, he put him in the hospital;
when he was dead, he buried him ; and, above all, be-
fore election day came, he naturalized him, and se-
cured his vote.

No man is naturalized in America according to law,
unless he can declare that he has read and accepted the
principles of the American Constitution. Millions
of foreigners have been naturalized and vote every
day, who know about as much of the principles of the
Constitution as the Russian soldier who thought that
the Constitution was a woman and the wife of one

J50

Population Changes

of their Grand Dukes. Nevertheless, it was by this
means, in the first instance, that the foreign emigrant
was enabled to take the first step towards the acqui-
sition of the American nationality.

The school to which his children were sent com-
pleted the operation. In one generation, or at most
in two, the foreign emigrant became thoroughly Ameri-
canized, for the Americanization of the world is no-
where gaining ground more rapidly than in the Amer-
icanization of the citizens of the world, who from love
of adventure, from sheer misfortune, or from any other
cause, have transferred their residence from the Old
World to the New.

When the Republic was founded, Mr. Bancroft esti-
mated thai: only four-fifths of the population of the
revolted colonies used English as their mother-tongue.
According to Mr. Carroll Wright, the United States
Commissioner of Labor, the population to-day is half
rather than one-fifth. This, of course, does not im-
ply that Mr. Wright's half is made up of persons of
foreign birth. At the census of 1900 not more than
10,000,000 of the population of the United States
had been born outside the Union. Of the 19,000,000
who emigrated to the United States since 1821,
9,000,000 are dead ; but before they died they multi-
plied amazingly.

It is characteristic of the foreign emigrant that even
when he speaks French, he has been much more obe-
dient to the ancient precept to multiply and increase
and replenish the earth than the native-born English-
American. The tendency to limit families which is

J5J

Climatic Influences

most conspicuous in France, and is now only one de-
gree less conspicuous in the Australian Colonies and
the United Kingdom, has long been remarked as one
of the dangers menacing the maintenance of an
English-speaking civilization in the United States.

The well-to-do American family of old standing
will have two, three, or four children, while the Ger-
man, Irish, or Polish emigrant who works in the mill
or the mine or the factory, will have litters of children
to the numbers of fifteen and under. It may be said
that it does not matter, as they all learn to speak Eng-
lish, but it matters a great deal in estimating the influ-
ence of the various foreign strains upon their ultimate
product, the American race. Professor Starr recently
startled the world by maintaining that if it were not
for the continuous influx of foreign emigration with
its resultant prolific families, the genuine American
would approximate to the type of the Red Indian, and,
I suppose, like the Red Indian, would dwindle and
disappear.

A recent traveller in the United States declared, on
returning to Britain, that the American continent was
like nothing so much as one of the great refuse-de-
stroyers which exist in every large town. The climate
seemed to burn up the vitality of the settlers, producing
nervous exhaustion, which, if not recruited continu-
ously from without, would use up the race. These
estimates are great exaggerations, but they testify to
a tendency which should not be lost sight of. The
European American seems to run too much to nerve
and brain. He lacks the beefy animalism of his British

J 52

American Ingredients

and German progenitor, and living at a great pace
stands in perpetual need of nerve tonics, medicines,
pills of all sorts. The Americans, judging by many
of the foremost specimens of the race, have developed
their brains at the expense of their stomachs. They
have great calculating apparatuses, but their digestive
organs leave much to be desired. You will often find
men who are standing the heavy strain of a long day's
work in commerce or in journalism who are compelled
to diet themselves upon milk and crackers.

It is very curious to note the various ingredients
which have been contributed to this international cruci-
ble by foreign nations. The German percentage was
highest between 1850 and i860, when it reached 36.6
per cent. In the last decade this had fallen to 13.7.
The Irish percentage was 42.3 per cent, in the period
from 1821 to 1850; but between 1851 to i860 it fell to
35.2, and in the last decade it had dropped to only 10.5
per cent.

Great Britain reached its maximum between 1861
and 1870, when the percentage was 26.2. In the last
decade it had fallen to 7.4. The emigrants from Scan-
dinavia, Germany, Great Britain and Ireland, includ-
ing those from Canada and Newfoundland, amounted
to 74.3 per cent, of the nineteen millions of emigrants
who settled in America in the last eighty years; but
between 1850 and i860 they contributed 91.2 per cent,
to the total, and in 1890-1900 their proportion had
fallen to 40.4 per cent.

The emigration from Southern and Eastern Europe
may be said only to have begun in 1880. But the

J 53

American Ingredients

number increased so rapidly that in the last decade Aus-
tria-Hungary, Italy, Russia, and Poland contributed
50.1 per cent, of the total number of emigrants. The
number of emigrants arriving in the United States
has shown a tendency of late to decrease. It reached
its maximum in the year 1882, when no fewer than
788,992 emigrants entered the Union. From that year
the figures dropped until 1886, when they numbered
only 334,203. The fluctuations were very great. In
1892 they had risen to 623,084; in 1898 they had fallen
to 229,299. Since then they had begun to climb up
again, and in the year ending June 30th, 1900, the
total number of emigrants was 448,572. Of this
number only 2,392 belonged to the professional classes ;
61,443 were skilled laborers; 163,508 were laborers;
while the remainder, chiefly women and children, 134,-
941, had no specified occupation.

Almost all these emigrants go to the North and
West. At the last census the proportion of foreign-
born in the Southern States was less than 5 per cent.
This contrasts very much with the returns from other
States. Rhode Island had 31.4; North Dakota, 35.4;
Montana, 27.6; Colorado, 16.9; Nebraska, 16.6 of the
foreign-born.

Of the 44.8,000 immigrants into the United States,
last year, 300,000 came from Austria-Hungary, Italy,
and Russia. Of the total number of immigrants, one-
quarter came from Germany, one-fifth from Ireland,
15 per cent, from England, 6 per cent, from Sweden
and Norway. It is estimated that the number of Ger-
mans in the United States was close upon ten millions,

154

Refractory Elements

of whom three millions were born in Germany, and
the rest of German parentage. It sounds like a far-
away dream of the past to recall the fact that sixty
years ago, at the time when the future destiny of Texas
was not finally fixed, German dreamers maintained that
it might be possible to build up a German state in
Texas which might permanently divide North America
with the dominant Anglo-Saxon.

The most difficult ingredient in the crucible, the
one which has hitherto proved most refractory, is the
black population of the South. The census of 1900
showed the colored population to number 9,312,585.
Of these 8,840,789 were negroes, the others being about
250,000 Indians. 119.000 Chinese, and about 86,000
Japanese. The increase of the negroes did not quite
keep pace with that of the white population, which
is probably due entirely to the fact that there were no
negro immigrants into the United States since the
suppression of the slave trade. In 1890, the blacks
were 12.5 per cent, of the population, in 1900 they
were 12.2. These refractory substances often contain
within themselves elements of great value necessary
for the formation of a perfect blend. The American
recoils from the thought of miscegenation. But if
the tendency of the climate and the habit of life is to
attenuate the physical frame and burn up the nervous
vitality of the race, it is obvious that the nine million
negroes afford an element of robust animal vigor
which may yet stand in good stead if the process of
assimilation could be rendered less unpleasant.

The education of the negro race, taken in hand so

J 55

The Colored Problem

admirably by Booker Washington, who, in founding
Tuskegee College, has shown a rare combination of
science and common sense, will render the process
less intolerable than it appears at present. But
the outcry by the southern press when President
Roosevelt invited Booker Washington to dine at the
White House was an unpleasant reminder of the in-
tensity of race prejudice, while the continual occur-
rence of lynchings shows that considerable progress
has yet to be made before the Americans can see their
way to a satisfactory solution of the negro problem.
In the last twenty years over 3,000 lynchings have
taken place in the United States, the highest total
being 236 in 1892. In 1900 the figure had fallen to

115-

It is not true, as is generally asserted, that the
majority of lynchings occur to avenge assaults or out-
rages by black men upon white women. In the last
sixteen years 2,516 lynchings are reported. In fewer
than 800 of these was an assault upon women alleged
as the excuse. The chief causes for which negroes
were lynched or murdered was attempted murder, but
115 were lynched for horse stealing and 93 for arson.
However painful these crimes of violence may be they
are comparatively few in number; 100 lynchings
among 9,000,000 negroes is a blot on the sun, no
doubt, but it is not an eclipse.

The political effect of this vast foreign element,
whether black or white, in the United States, upon
the race alliance of the English-speaking peoples has
naturally attracted considerable attention. The pres-

J56

Learning the Language

ent Duke of Argyle regarded it as one of the features
which would tend to promote such an alliance. Writ-
ing in the North American Review in October, 1893,
he laid considerable stress upon the advantage which
it would be to the United States to have the sym-
pathy of a sound, strong English confederation in
league with the Union.

He wrote "as the foreign element, Italian or Ger-
man or French Canadian, gets stronger and more
cegregated in special states in the Union, it is quite
conceivable that race or national questions under some
specious name may cause trouble, and that the 'na-
tional' population may live to hoist the tricolor or some
other foreign flag in preference to the Stars and
Stripes. The French in the northeast might well
form such a national cave of Adullam. Then how
about the foreign elements in the South, half Congo,
half Creole? These things may be out of sight for the
present, but the present becomes the distant past very
soon in politics, and an English bund is not a bad
antidote to certain schemes and dreams which are
very un-English, using that adjective in its best sense."

The tendency of foreign populations to become
centred in certain districts is probably a temporary
phenomenon. There are quarters in New York and
Chicago where the English language is hardly known.

There is an anecdote told of a foreign immigrant,
who, having settled in New York, applied herself dili-
gently to learning what she imagined to be the lan-
guage of the country in which she had settled, and it
was only after she had removed to another precinct

J57

No English Allowed

that she learned to her chagrin that she had wasted
all her pains in learning a Bohemian dialect, which,
as it was the only language spoken in her street, she
had mistaken for the American tongue.

In all the great states, however, the work of fusing
the various nationalities into one homogeneous whole
is carried on steadily, though not at such high pres-
sure, even in the country districts where it is still pos-
sible for aliens to preserve the language, religion, and
customs of their fatherland.

Mr. Rodney Walsh, who contributed an article to
the Forum for Feburary, 1891, on "The Farmer's
Changed Condition," declared that in entire counties
in Illinois and Wisconsin the English language is
scarcely ever heard outside the great towns. The
church services are conducted in a foreign tongue,
and instruction is given in it at the schools. Mr.
Babcock, writing on "The Scandinavians in the North-
west" a year later, said : "You can travel 300 miles
across Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota without once
leaving land owned by Scandinavians. In Minne-
sota one-seventh of the legislators are Scandinavians,
and there are thirty-seven Scandinavian newspapers."
But one of the most remarkable testimonies as to the
extent to which the United States have been Euro-
peanized reached me in the shape of a letter from
Galveston in Texas in 1891.

The writer, Mr. E. J. Coyle, wrote : "Don't believe
for a moment that twenty-five of our citizens are of
British or Saxon origin, or of English-speaking sym-
pathies, for they are not. Take for example this

J 58

Polyglot Colonization

Latin-American province, Texas, or California, Ari-
zona or any of the new lands ceded by the Guadalojx-
Hidalgo treaty, and has the Englishman a foothold?
Thank God, no. New Braunfells, Comal County, one
of our most successful German Colonies, located in
1840, has never recognized an English journal in its
midst. The children of the second generation speak
the language of Goethe. I can take you to five
thousand post-offices, schools, and courts of justice
in our state where Spanish, German, and Bohemian
are exclusively used — in fact, the official language.
Galveston, with a population of fifty thousand, can-
not muster a corporal's squad of Americans of
English-speaking origin ; the same can be said of all
our great western cities. The day of the English-
speaking people here is gone, and it will never re-
dawn." It would be interesting to compare this con-
fident prediction of ten years ago with the present state
of things in Texas.

That there may be in various parts of the
American union communities which preserve their
ancient language with the zeal of the Welsh or of
the Scottish Highlanders may be true, but the only
effect of this will be to increase the number of bi-
lingual people in the United States. It is even pos-
sible that a nationality which has allowed its language
to fall into disuse in its native land may regain its
vigor and vitality by being transported to the United
States.

The movement for reviving the use and the study
of the ancient Irish language is much more vigorous

159

The Indispensable Language

in the United States than in Ireland itself. News-
papers printed in Irish are produced, circulated
and read in America to a much greater extent than
c.ny similar publications in Ireland. The attempt to
boycott the English language in some American
schools has been carried to considerable lengths, but
even in places like Milwaukee and other foreign settle-
ments in the Northwest it is found impossible to pre-
vent the children learning English. They pick it up
in the playground, and as English is, and is likely to
remain, the lingua franca of the continent, the com-
mercial advantages of acquiring the English tongue
are far too great not to be appreciated by the shrewd
citizens of the Republic.

What type will ultimately issue from this crucible
of the nations it is yet too early to predict. Into the
crucible all the nations have cast of their best, and it
would be a sore disappointment if this vast experiment
in nation-making did not yield a result commensurate
with the immensity of the crucible and the richness of
the material cast therein.

J 60

The Americanization
of the World

Part Two

The Rest of the World

Chapter First

Europe

If we in England, who from the point of view of
politics and religion are much more American than we
are Anglican, contemplate with satisfaction and even
with enthusiasm the Americanization of the world,
the process is naturally regarded with very different
sentiments in other quarters. Even Anglican Eng-
lishmen can hardly refrain from a certain feeling of
national pride when they see all the nations of the
earth subjected to the subtle and penetrating influ-
ence of ideas which are at least conveyed in English
speech, and which may in some cases be traced back
to the days of the English Commonwealth.

As Macaulay pointed out. even the Cavaliers them-
selves could hardly refrain from exulting at the

161

Europe's Attitude

thought of the pinnacle of greatness to which the
armies of the Ironsides and the exploits of Blake and
his captains raised the reputation of England in the
days of Cromwell. And so in like manner even those
Anglican Englishmen who find themselves reduced
from a position of pre-eminence to that of a minority,
swept irresistibly forward by the strong democratic
currents which sway the English-speaking world, can-
not altogether repress a sense of exultant pride that
the men who have sprung from the loins of the Com-
monwealth should be so powerfully moulding the
destinies of the world. The Anglicans are in the
movement, they are not of it. Nevertheless, after all,
blood is thicker than water, and the men

" Who speak the tongue that Shakespeare spake,
The faith and morals hold which Milton held,"

can never be severed by difference of political alle-
giance from the common stock of our common race.

No such consolation, however, is vouchsafed to the
nations of Europe, who find themselves subjected,
against their will and without their leave being asked
or obtained, to the process of Americanization. That
the process is beneficial, that they will be better for
the treatment, may be true ; but they do not see it.
At the same time it is well to discriminate between
Europe and the Europeans that therein do dwell. To
the majority of the Europeans the American invasion
is by no means unwelcome, while a very large section
would delight to see a much greater Americanization
of Europe than anything which is likely to take place.

It is otherwise with the sovereigns and nobles, who

J62

Europe's Attitude

represent feudalism and the Old World monarchical
and aristocratic ideas which have as their European
centre the Courts of Berlin and Vienna. In Europe,
France and Switzerland are already republican. Bel-
gium, Holland, and the Scandinavian countries, while
monarchical in form, are republican in essence. The
Spanish Government may be regarded as a kind of
annex of the Hapsburgs, while the Italian monarchy
is a southern buttress of the Austro-German Alliance.
Russia stands apart, a world in itself, perhaps the most
democratic country in Europe, consisting as it does
of one vast congeries of communes, which are little re-
publics under the supreme direction of a central autoc-
racy. The Emperor of Russia, however, the mon-
arch.of right divine, solemnly consecrate!* to be guide
and governor of his people when crowned at the Krem-
lin, has, no doubt, many sympathies in common with
the other sovereigns of Europe ; but the Tsars of
to-day do not aspire to fill the role of the Tsars at the
beginning of the Nineteenth Century. In those days
first Alexander and then Nicholas believed that the de-
fence of the monarchical principle was one of the most
sacred of their duties — a conviction to which the Holy
Alliance gave vigorous expression. The Holy Al-
liance has long since passed away, leaving behind it
as its chief result the Monroe Doctrine, the promul-
gation of which was suggested by Canning to Presi-
dent Monroe as the most effective answer to the pre-
tensions of the allied sovereigns of Central Europe.
The centre of resistance to American principles in
Europe lies at Berlin, and the leader against and great

J63

German Appreciation

protagonist of Americanization is the Kaiser of Ger-
many. There is something pathetic in the heroic pose
of the German Emperor resisting the American flood.
It is Canute over again, but the Kaiser has not planted
himself on the shore, passively to wait the rising of
the tide in order to rebuke the flattery of his courtiers ;
he takes his stand where land and water meet, and with
drawn sword defies the advancing tide. And all the
while the water is percolating through the sand on
which he is standing, undermining the very foundations
upon which his feet are planted, so that he himself is
driven to Americanize, even when he is resisting Amer-
icanization.

There are no more Americanized cities in Europe
than Hamburg and Berlin. They are American in
the rapidity of their growth, American in their
nervous energy, American in their quick appropriation
of the facilities for rapid transport. Americans find
themselves much more at home, notwithstanding the
differences of language, in the feverish concentrated
energy of the life of Hamburg and Berlin than in the
more staid and conservative cities of Liverpool and
London. The German manufacturer, the German
shipbuilder, the German engineer, arc quick to seize
and use the latest American machines. The American
typewriter is supreme in Germany as in Britain, and
what is much more important than this, the American
farmer continues to raise bread and bacon in increasing
quantities for the German breakfast table.

Nor is it only in material things that the substance
of American manufactures enters into the fabric of
J 64

The Hyphenated American

modern Germany. The constant flow of German emi-
gration to the United States of America has created a
German-American, whose influence upon the relatives
whom he left behind in the fatherland is somewhat
analogous to the influence of the Irish-American upon
the Irish in Ireland. The German- Americans, like
the Irish-Americans, are passionately patriotic, with a
dual patriotism. They are intensely Republican ; the
hyphenated American, as he is called, has shown a
readiness to shed his blood and sacrifice himself in the
service of his adopted country equal to that of any
native born of the States. But at the same time his
romantic devotion to the country from which he sprang
is not impaired by his allegiance to the State in which
he has found a home. But this intense and idealized
devotion to a motherland is quite compatible, as the ex-
perience of the Irish shows, with an absolute indiffer-
ence to and even positive dislike of the political system
which, for the time being, afflicts the old folks at
home. The German-American differentiates between
the Fatherland and the Kaiser, and therein in the eyes
of the Court commits unpardonable sin. To identify
the Emperor with the Empire, to render it impossible
for any German to think of Germany without at the
same time doing homage to the German Emperor, is
one of the preoccupations of William II.

But the German- Americans have escaped beyond the
glamor of his personality. They are the men of Ger-
many, but they are not the men of the Kaiser. Their
influence on the German electorate is an American in-
fluence, which tells much more in the direction of the

145

Transmutation of Nationality

Social Democrats than of the Junker Party, who con-
stitute the stern men-at-arms of the Prussian Mon-
archy. It would be an interesting study to investigate
how far the Social Democratic movement in Germany
is fed as by secret springs from across the Atlantic.
The connection is not by any means so obvious as that
which binds together the Irish-Americans and the Irish
National League ; but there is a constant movement of
men and of ideas between the Social Democratic Party
in Germany and the German electorate in the United
States.

Against all these influences the Kaiser wages desper-
ate but unavailing war. In resisting the Americaniza-
tion of Germany, his first aim has naturally been to pre-
vent the Americanization of the Germans who leave
Germany. The ceaseless tide of emigration which
sets westward from German shores flows for the most
part to New York, the European gate of the American
Continent. When once the German passes Bartholdi's
statue of Liberty Enlightening the World, he is lost
to the German Empire. He may remain a German for
a generation or two, cherishing his language, cultivat-
ing the literature of his country, but in ten years his
children have picked up English, and in fifty years
nothing but the name and family tradition remain to
connect them with the Fatherland. Their descendants
are no more Germans than President Roosevelt is a
Dutchman.

To arrest this process of the thorough American-
ization, appropriation, and from his point of view the
absolute effacemerit of German citizens, the Emperor

J 66

Greater Germany

has sought to deflect the tide of German emigration
to German colonies which he has acquired, and which
he has subsidized regardless of expense in various
parts of the world. But the German who has once
made up his mind to turn his back upon the home of
his race, is singularly impervious to the charms of
Damoraland or the fascinations of German East Africa.
The Kaiser can export officials where he pleases, but
the tide of German emigration, like the wind, goeth
where it listeth.

A despairing attempt is now being made to turn the
tide of German emigration from North to South Amer-
ica. The German Colonial Party imagine that by
creating great German colonies in Brazil, it may be
possible to build up a greater Germany in the Southern
Continent, where the German Empire may preserve
intact from Americanism millions of German citizens.
The experiment has not yet been abandoned, but South
Americans say that the process of Americanization is
not less speedy in Brazil. The German shows the same
readiness to adapt himself to his local environment and
to acquire the language of his adopted country whether
that environment is English or Portuguese. The only
result which has so far attended the attempt to deflect
German emigration to Brazil has been to give a sharper
edge to the Monroe Doctrine, and to strengthen the
determination of the Government at Washington to
build an American navy adequate to enforce the Amer-
ican veto upon European conquest in the Western
Hemisphere.

Compelled to admit failure in his attempt to prevent

167

Goluchowski's Alarm

the Americanization of Germans outside Germany, the
Emperor has redoubled his efforts in order to prevent
the Americanization of Europe. This has been a fixed
idea with him ever since he came to the throne. On his
first visit to the Tsar of Russia, he propounded to him
his favorite thesis, and endeavored to enlist the Tsar's
support in the holy cause of anti-Americanism. Nich-
olas II. listened with a sympathetic interest, which is
natural to him in talking to all men, whether moujiks
or Kaisers, but he did not see his way to fall in with his
guest's idea.

The Kaiser, behind his apparent impulsiveness, is
tenacious in pursuing his objects. Foiled in his first
essay to win over the Tsar to a great European com-
bination to organize the Old World against the New,
he did not on that account abandon his favorite project.
The duty of first publicly proclaiming in the hearing
of the world the doctrine which the Kaiser had privately
endeavored to impress upon the Tsar fell upon Count
Goluchowski, the Foreign Secretary of Austria-Hun-
gary. Addressing the Parliamentary Delegations in
November, 1897, he pleaded strongly in favor of the
adoption of a pacific policy in Europe if for no other
reason than that the very existence of the European
peoples depended upon their power to defend them-
selves, fighting shoulder to shoulder, against Trans-
oceanic competition. He foreshadowed the adoption
of counteracting measures, which he declared must be
prompt and thorough in order to protect the vital inter-
ests of the European nations. Count Goluchowski's
alarming summons to the Old World excited consider-

J63

Germany Dependent

able discussion, but led to no definite result for some
years. Meantime the Kaiser continued to look with
grave misgiving upon the increasing dependency of
his people upon American foodstuffs.

In the year 1900 the exports from the United States
to Germany were larger than those of any other
country, the figures being in round numbers, from th -
United States $243,000,000; from Great Britain,
$200,000,000; from Russia, $171,000,000; from Aus-
tria, $172,000,000; from South America, $115,000,000.
In 1 89 1 the United States were third on the list, but in
ten years she had distanced all competitors, and was
easily first.

Germany can no longer feed her population with her
own foodstuffs — a fact which is of vital importance
from the point of view of a possible war. In 1900 she
had to import close upon 1,000,000 tons of wheat and
800,000 tons of rye. The population of Germany
stands now at about 60,000,000. Taking, therefore,
the staples of life, wheat and rye alcne, nine millions
of Germans would starve unless the insufficient yield
of German farms were supplemented by the importa-
tion of foodstuffs, which in the next twelve months it
is estimated will entail an expenditure of $100,000,000;
or, in other words, all Germany would be without food
for fifty-five days in the year but for imports from
abroad.

This dependence upon the foreigner, especially
upon American food, is very distasteful to the
Kaiser. Of the $1,438,000,000 worth of goods im-
ported into Germany in the year 1900, $287,000. o"n

J 69

An Anglo-German Alliance

came from Great Britain, $243,000,000 from the United
States, and $115,000,000 from South America. So
that very nearly one-half the total imports into Ger-
many came either from the New World or from the
British Empire. The dependence of Germany for her
daily bread on shipments from over-sea contributed
greatly to strengthen the Kaiser's decision to double
the German navy. "Our future," he declared, "lies
upon the sea." The decision to double the strength of
the German fighting fleet was significantly proclaimed
in the ears of the world immediately after the three-
fold defeat of British arms in South Africa had severely
shaken our prestige. That the new shipbuilding policy
then announced by Germany was aimed against Great
Britain was generally recognized abroad ; but when the
German Emperor visited London shortly afterwards
he had a very different explanation to give of the in-
crease of the German fleet. So far from being a
menace to Great Britain, he is said to have protested,
he regarded every new ship added to the German navy
as an addition to the fighting force of the British
fleet. For, he argued, it was inevitable that the United
States, sooner or later would endeavor to grasp the
supreme position on the sea at present held by Great
Britain.

When that day came Great Britain would find
in the German Fleet her most potent ally. The
nations of the Old World, representing culture and
civilization, would have to stand shoulder to shoulder
in resisting the contemplated attack of the new barba-
rians of the Western World, who, swollen by prosperity

J 70

A Royal Interview

and pride and unweighted by any of the responsibilities
which enforce caution on other States, would inevitably
come into collision sooner or later with the present
Mistress of the Seas.

Whatever may be said of this pretext, it was an in-
genious piece of special pleading, and it helped him to
gloss over the ugly significance of his naval pro-
gramme. After the departure of the Kaiser from Eng-
land little was heard of his anti-American views until
last July, when M. Pierre de Segur was entertained
by the Kaiser, along with other French tourists, on
board the Hohcnzollem when it was in Norwegian
waters.

The interview seems to have been purely accidental.
M. de Segur and his compagnons de voyage were
visiting one of the Norwegian fiords when they
came across the Imperial yacht, Hohenzollcrn. The
Emperor asked them to dine on board, and after
marshalling his guests, as a Commander-in-Chief
would marshal an Army Corps, with the voice and
gestures of an officer on the parade-ground, he entered
into animated conversation with them, in which he ap-
pears to have expressed himself with a degree of free-
dom unwonted even for him. His conversation with
his French guests, wrote M. de Segur in the Revue de
Paris, was chiefly about the United States of America.
He evinces but slight enthusiasm for that country. To
him there is a menace for the future in the colossal
Trusts so dear to the Yankee millionaire, which tend
to place an industry or an international exchange in the
hands of a single individual or a group of individuals.

MX

The Kaiser's Opinion

"Suppose," he said, in substance, "that a Morgan
succeeds in combining under his flag several of the
oceanic lines. He does not occupy any official position
in his country outside of the influence derived from
liis wealth. It would, therefore, be impossible to treat
with him if it should happen that an international in-
cident or a foreign power were involved in his enter-
prise. And neither would it be possible to have re-
course to the State, which having no part in the busi-
ness could decline any responsibility. Then to whom
could one turn? To obviate this danger the Kaiser
foresees the necessity of forming a European Cus-
toms Union against the United States on similar lines
to the Continental blockade devised by Napoleon
against England, in order to safeguard the interests
and assure the freedom of Continental commerce at
the expense of America's development. And he de-
clared to us without circumlocution that, in such an
eventuality, England would be forced to choose the al-
ternative of two absolutely opposite policies: either to
adhere to the blockade and place herself on the side
of Europe against the United States, or else to join the
latter against the Powers of the Continent."

So remarkable a declaration, even when published
in a literary and political organ of the importance of
the Revue de Paris, was naturally received with scep-
ticism, and the New York Herald despatched a com-
missioner to Berlin to ascertain whether or not the
German Government was prepared to disclaim, contra-
dict, or explain away the report of M. de Segur. The
American Ambassador in Germany, Dr. Von Holleben,

J72

The Voice of Esr.u

professed confidence that the German Foreign Office
could easily explain away the alleged utterances of the
Kaiser ; but when application was made to the Foreign
Office, the officials could only say that the matter was
one entirely personal to the Kaiser.

A somewhat interesting interview seems to have
taken place between the representative of the Foreign
Office and the Herald's commissioner, the latter naively
remarking that the German official gave him the im-
pression that he did not grasp the importance of pub-
lic opinion in the United States, but did deem it im-
portant to lay down with some emphasis the right of
Germany to interfere in South American affairs
should occasion arise. Whenever any of the southern
republics gave offence to Germany, said the Foreign
Office official, that country would send her warships
there to exact justice, and would insist upon her
right so to act. Being reminded that this was not the
question under discussion, he answered that the reply
would probably be forthcoming from higher quarters.

The answer came in the shape of an official com-
munication by the German Ambassador on his re-
turn to Washington when he was authorized to
declare that "All talk that his Majesty" (the Kaiser)
"desires to bring the European nations together in a
challenge of America's progress in the commercial
world is without foundation. My sovereign," the Am-
bassador said, "has the most frank admiration for
America's progress and the most cordial and friendly
feelings for the United States. His Majesty has
shown once more how he appreciates American skill

J 73

The American Danger

&'

and workmanship in having a yacht built in the United
States." Nevertheless what M. de Segur says coin-
cides too much with what the Emperor is known to
have proposed to the Tsar, and the general tenor of his
conversation in thi-s country, for us to have much
reason to regard the French author's report as in-
correct.

The reference to Mr. Morgan and the consolidation
of industries under the Trust system only indicates
that the Emperor is keen to snatch at any and every
development of American enterprise or American am-
bition in order to emphasize the reality of the Amer-
ican danger, to insist upon the necessity of concerted
European action. When he was in London the talk
was not of offering England the alternative to join in
the European blockade of the United States, or to be
herself subjected to the pains and penalties of a finan-
cial war. When he was here his talk was all about
the probable attack by the United States upon the
naval supremacy of Great Britain. But in his con-
versation upon the Hohcnzollcrn he appears to have
harped back to the idea which he propounded in St.
Petersburg, and which inspired Count Goluchowski
with the idea of taking counteracting measures to safe-
guard the vital interests of European industry. Since
that time the Germans and Austrians have been busily
engaged in discussing what measures they ought to
adopt.

That something should be done seems to be taken
for granted. On the 23rd of October, 1901, the
representatives of industry and agriculture in Austria
174

A Protective Programme

held an important meeting, under the benediction of
the Austrian Government, for the purpose of consider-
ing the most effective means of averting the danger
of American competition in all branches of production.
Dr. Peetz declared that the United States were aiming
at universal economic supremacy ; that Austria-Hun-
gary must, therefore, in all circumstances secure the
home market for native industry and agriculture, while
maintaining as far as possible the openings for export.
After a good deal of vigorous oratory, in which Amer-
ican economic methods were somewhat severely de-
nounced, a resolution was unanimously adopted which
contained the following four specific recommenda-
tion: — "(i.) That there should be a complete revi-
sion of the Austro-Hungarian Customs tariff on the
lines laid down by Germany, in order to afford equal,
effective, and permanent protection to industry and
agriculture. (2.) That a reciprocity arrangement
should be substituted for the general application of
the most-favored-nation clause in future commercial
treaties. (3.) That while treaties for longer periods
may be concluded with other countries when they
afford adequate protection to native production and ex-
port trade, those with the United States and the Ar-
gentine Confederation should only be for short terms.
(4.) That the Central European States should enter
into an agreement for mutual protection against trans-
oceanic competition."

Austria, it was declared by the semi-official Frem-
denblatt, was the youngest and weakest of the indus-
trial States, and as such suffered more from Amer-

175

Europe for the Europeans

ican competition than any of her neighbors. The
watchword "America for the Americans" must be
answered by the rallying cry "Europe for the Euro-
peans," said the Fremdenblatt. "Africa and Asia con-
stitute the European reserves, and we shall know how
to defend ourselves, but we must set about it in time
and make a beginning."

In Berlin the German Industrial Union have ex-
pressed through their Secretary, Dr. Wilhelm Vend-
landt, their views upon the subject. He declared that
the time had come for some Bismarck to rise up and
assemble the nations of Europe and throttle the Amer-
ican peril. Europe, he argued, could perfectly well
be independent of the American market. Russia, by
developing her cotton plantations in the Caucasus,
had finally liberated the Old World from dependence
upon the New. "I believe," he declared, "in fight-
ing America with the same weapons of exclusion
which America herself has used so remorselessly and
so successfully. We propose to work for an all
European Union. The commercial interests of the
hour are paramount, and a discriminatory alliance of
all European Powers, including England, will be the
inevitable result of the American invasion."

This is all very fine and large, but what does it
come to? So far it has come to nothing. The self-
sufficing State which produces everything within its
own frontiers has become an anachronism in the mod-
ern world. Chinese walls of prohibitive tariffs are
futile expedients. No doubt America will find that
several of the nations of the Old World will follow

t76

Penalty of Pan-Europeanism

her example and quote it as ample justification for
an attempt to discriminate against American goods.
Nothing can be done before 1903, when the commer-
cial treaties will come up for revision, and before
1903 a good many things may happen. But although
the Governments of the Old World may compel their
subjects to pay high prices for goods which the Amer-
icans, if left unhindered, would supply more cheaply,
they will thereby increase discontent and dissatis-
faction, which will facilitate the Americanization of
Europe. For the higher the tariff, the dearer will be
food. Dear food means misery in the home. Mis-
ery in the home means discontent in the electorate,
and discontent in the electorate means the increase
of the motive force which will seek steadily to revolu-
tionize the Old World governments on what may
be more or less accurately described as American
principles.

Thus the action of the Kaiser and the Mrs. Parting-
tons of Vienna is even more futile than the conduct
of the wise men of Borrodaile, who built a wall across
the mouth of their pass in the belief that they could
thereby prevent the cuckoo flying away with the sum-
mer. Their policy exercised no influence upon the
precession of the seasons. But the action of the anti-
American Pan-Europeans will directly accelerate the
process which they wish to retard.

Reciprocity, said President McKinley, in the speech
which he delivered on the day before he was assassina-
ted, "reciprocity is the natural outcome of the wonder-
ful industrial development of the United States under

J 77

Two Kinds of Reciprocity

the policy now firmly established. If perchance some
of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue, or to
encourage or protect our industries at home, why
should they not be employed to extend and promote
our markets abroad?" Three days previously Mr.
Roosevelt, then Vice-President, speaking at Minne-
apolis, declared that through treaty or by direct legis-
lation it may, at least in certain cases, become advan-
tageous to supplement our present policy by a system
of reciprocal benefit and obligation. Now there are
only two kinds of reciprocity. As the Reciprocity
Commissioner-General Kasson remarked : "There is
no novelty in reciprocity. The principle has prevailed
in human relations since the beginning of intercourse
among men. Between individuals and among na-
tions it is an exchange of some right or privilege or
favor in exchange for some right or privilege or
favor which the other controls and is willing to grant
in consideration. It has developed in two ways, reci-
procity in favors, and reciprocity in burdens and pro-
hibitions. The former is accomplished by mutual
agreement in the form of treaties and the latter by
legislative retaliation.'1

The remarkable thing about the present situation
is that while the trend of opinion in the United States
is in, favor of the adoption of reciprocity in favors,
the cry on the Continent of Europe is entirely in favor
of reciprocity by burdens and prohibitions. The chief
safeguard which has hitherto protected the exporters
of the United States from exclusive duties on the part
of the European nations has been the existence of a

J78

Europe Scared

series of commercial treaties containing the most-fa-
vored-nation clause which expires in 1903. At that
date the Austrians and the Germans, possibly the
Italians, with such other of the European nations as
they can induce to join them, intend to see what can
be done in protecting their own industries by apply-
ing a European equivalent of the Dingley tariff to
American goods. Under these circumstances it is
evident that it will be somewhat difficult to carry out
the policy recommended by Mr. McKinley. As Presi-
dent Roosevelt said, we must remember that in dealing
with other nations, benefits must be given while bene-
fits are sought. But if one side offers benefits while
the other is seeking only to inflict injuries, negotia-
tions are not likely to progress very rapidly.

There seems to be no doubt that the American in-
vasion has somewhat scared Europeans, nor is the
scare confined to Germany and Austria. When Prince
Albert of Belgium returned from his American trip
in 1898 he was said to have exclaimed to an Amer-
ican friend : "Alas ! you Americans will eat us all up."
Admiral Canevaro, formerly Italian Foreign Minister,
speaking at Toulon last April, remarked that "the
Triple and Dual Alliances taken together had given
Europe thirty years of peace," and he added that "this
fact would perhaps lead the European nations to con-
sider the possibility and the necessity of uniting
against America, as the future of civilization would
require them to do."

There are few publicists so intelligent and so liberal
as Mr. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, but he is so far under the

J 79

Europe Scared

influence of the menace from the New World as to
have declared himself specifically in favor of endeav-
oring to realize a European Zollverein. As Mr.
Sydney Brooks pointed out in an interesting article
upon America and Europe, which he contributed to
the Atlantic Monthly for November, he would not
abolish customs duties between the different States,
but only reduce them considerably by clearly defined
commercial treaties concluded for a long period. With
few exceptions, he wrote, the maximum should be 12
per cent., and a permanent European Customs Union
should be appointed with the task of providing for
successive reductions of the duties, and of establish-
ing the closest possible relations between the Euro-
pean nations. There can be no doubt, he declared, as
to the possibility of such an arrangement. It is an
ill wind that blows nobody any good, and it would be
a welcome result of the present scare as to the Amer-
ican invasion if it were to force reluctant and jealous
nations to take so long a stride in the direction of fed-
eration. To defend themselves against the United
States of America these thinkers advocate the crea-
tion of what, from a fiscal point of view, would be the
United States of Europe.

Although the reaction against Americanizing influ-
ence iinds most vigorous expression in Germany and
Austria, the process of Americanization is going on
steadily in all the other countries. In all the capitals
and great cities from the Straits of Gibraltar to
Archangel, American firms are establishing branches
and the whole continent is patrolled by American

J80

Trade Laws Immutable

commercial travellers. Berlin, Leipzig, and Dresden
swarm with American students, while Paris has so
large an American colony that the Chicago Uni-
versity is establishing an annex on the banks of the
Seine. The finance Ministers of Europe are begin-
ning to recognize more and more the influence of
American commercial policy upon their revenues.
Quite recently M. de Witte was provoked by a deci-
sion of the Treasury at Washington about Russian
sugar to increase the import duties upon American
iron and steel, and only the other day little Denmark
was discussing whether or not it would be to her in-
terest to indulge in a little tariff war with the United
States.

The idea of a European solidarity of interest as
against the United States is a vain dream. What
difference does it make to the Austrian agriculturist
whether his goods are undersold by the produce of
Danish dairies or by the pork that is raised on the
Western prairies? States that have a common bud-
get may conceivably find it to their interest to pro-
tect the interests of their own taxpayers against the
produce raised in a country which makes no contri-
bution to their exchequer, but independent competing
nations which have no common financial interest have
no motive to discriminate between one foreign com-
petitor and the other merely because of the difference
of continent in which they dwell.

The cheapness and quality of the goods offered are
the only questions which concern the consumer, and the
German housewife has not even a sentimental prefer-

m

Russian Sympathy

ence for Russian as against American wheat, merely
because the Russian is a European and the American
is not. Sentimental considerations are much more
likely to tell in favor of the United States than other-
wise. International jealousies and hatreds due to the
memories of old wars operate much more against Euro-
pean rivals than against the United States. Germans
only need to dip into the German newspapers in
order to recognize that German sentiment is much
more hostile to Great Britain, although we are a
European Power, than to the United States.

Russia, ever since the Crimean War, has been much
more in sympathy with the Americans, despite their
location in the Western Hemisphere, than with the
British, who have the advantage of occupying the
same continent as themselves. The relations between
America and Russia have always been friendly, for
the Republican section of the English-speaking world
has never surrendered itself to the frenzy of Russo-
phobia. M. Khilkoff, the Russian Minister of Ways
and Communications, who has carried through the
construction of the transcontinental railway across
Siberia, served his apprenticeship in the Baldwin
Locomotive Works in Pennsylvania, and retains, both
in his personal appearance and in his manner of doing
business, the impress of his American apprenticeship.

182

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Second

The Ottoman Empire

Three years ago, when I was in Constantinople,
I excited considerable astonishment by declaring that
nothing was more probable than that the United
States might be driven to solve the hitherto insol-
uble problem of the ownership of Constantinople. The
facts were simple and the deduction obvious, but
there is nothing that many people are so slow to rec-
ognize as the salient facts of a political situation.

To-day, thanks to the operation of a band of brig-
ands on the Bulgarian frontier, the eyes of the public
have been opened, and both in Europe and America
the man in the street is talking of possibilities in the
Ottoman Empire which then seemed to lie outside
the range of practical politics.

The incident which has produced so sudden an
awakening was the capture of Miss Stone, an Amer-
ican missionary. On the 2nd of September, 1901,
Miss Stone, when on her way from the little town of
Bansko in Bulgaria to Diumania in Turkey, crossed

J83

The Abduction of Miss Stone

the frontier of Bulgaria into Macedonia when she
was waylaid by a band of brigands dressed in Turk-
ish uniforms, with the red fez, and carried off into the
mountains together with a Bulgarian lady who was
one of the party. They were kept in captivity in
order to extort a ransom of £25,000.

The incident of an American lady being held pris-
oner in the Macedonian mountains created a great
stir in the United States. Newspapers took it up, and
subsequently a subscription was raised to provide the
money demanded as a ransom.

The machinery of diplomacy was set in motion, and
Europe and America found themselves face to face
with a question which threatened to involve the United
States in armed intervention in Turkey. In view of
such a contingency people began to ask how Miss
Stone found herself in such a position, and then the
great Republic of the West for the first time began to
realize the extent to which the American missions
had advanced since 1858.

Their first centre was Adrianople, which lies out-
side Macedonia. The mission has now three stations
in Bulgaria. The American church has 1,500 mem-
bers ; they have churches also at Sofia, the Capital of
Bulgaria, at Salonica and at Monastir. Altogether
the Americans have nine missionaries in Bulgaria and
Macedonia, and seven American lady teachers. In
Northern Bulgaria the American Methodists have
eleven American and native missionaries. In Bul-
garia, the American Board of Missionaries have estab-
lished three schools, for the higher education of both
J 84

American Influences

men and women, and one Kindergarten. They have
organized fifteen churches where services are held
regularly, besides twelve places of worship, having
about 1,500 communicants.

The church at Bansko, from which Miss Stone
started on the journey which ended so disastrously,
has 150 members, and the building cost £1,000. In
1872 the Americans translated the Bible into Bul-
garian ; they established a printing-press, book-stall
and a free public reading-room in Sofia ; and they pub-
lished a weekly newspaper. This propaganda of the
Americans is not very popular among the Bulgarians,
who are Greek Orthodox ; but the theological propa-
ganda is condoned on account of the excellent results
from it.

The Russians, of course, dislike it even more than
the Bulgarian Government ; but here again the Amer-
ican element intervenes in an unexpected quarter.
The Russian agent at Sofia, M. Bachmetieff, is mar-
ried to an American wife, and Mme. Bachmetieff is
a great personal friend of Miss Stone's, so that al-
though from a high political point of view M. Bach-
metieff would be expected to oppose Miss Stone's ac-
tions, from a domestic point of view the influence of
Mme. Bachmetieff exercised constantly at home has
made the Russian agent a very good friend and warm
supporter of the American missionary. It is indeed
difficult for any intelligent person not to sympathize
with the excellent work which the American mission-
aries are doing in those regions, for the Americans
have not only done the work themselves, they have

J85

American Influences

stimulated the Bulgarian people to emulate their deeds,
and to establish similar institutions.

As Mr. W. E. Curtis says in the admirable series
of letters which he has contributed to the Chicago
Record-Herald, they have laid the foundation of a
general education system; they have inspired a tem-
perance movement ; and wherever their influence ex-
tends you will find a radical moral and social change
from the conditions which existed when independence
was proclaimed twenty-three years ago.

The most influential woman in Bulgaria, Mrs. W.
B. Kossuroth, was a pupil of Miss Stone's. She is the
first woman who ventured to carry on business on her
own account. She was educated according to Amer-
ican ideas, and after the death of her husband, she
took charge of the business he had left. Mrs. Po-
poff, the wife of the pastor of the Protestant church at
Sofia, was educated at an Ohio seminary.

Hence it was not at all surprising that Miss Stone
should have sallied forth at the head of a party of
village students, among whom were three young Bul-
garian women whom she was going to place in charge
of schools in Macedonia. The brigands, who assumed
Turkish costume to avoid suspicion, are declared to
have been Bulgarian brigands, belonging to the Mace-
donian insurrectionary movement. They did not
molest the women teachers, but they carried off both
Miss Stone and Mrs. Tsilka, whom they held for
ransom.

The immediate result of this outrage was that the
attention of the Americans was aroused. Negotia-
te

The Blight of the Turk

tions were at once begun, in which menaces and
bribes alike failed to secure the immediate relief of
the captives.

October and November were consumed in abortive
attempts to secure the release of Miss Stone and her
companion. At the beginning of December it was
reported that Miss Stone had died in the hands of her
captors, but this proved to be only a rumor.

The incident naturally directed American public
opinion to the state of the Balkan Peninsula. It famil-
iarized the citizens of the United States with the per-
manent condition of the Turkish provinces, and it re-
minded the world of one of the worst crimes per-
petrated by European diplomacy. The cry of the men
of Macedonia, "Come over and help us!" met with no
response from the British Government of 1878. The
Russians had helped them. By the treaty of San Ste-
fano the whole of what is known as "Big Bulgaria,"
from the Danube to the iEgean, was liberated from
the blighting despotism of the Turks.

At the Berlin Congress, at the instance of Britain
and Austria, Macedonia was cut off from free Bul-
garia and thrust back into slavery to enjoy the un-
covenanted mercies of the Turk. Of all the crimes
perpetrated at the Berlin Congress, this was the worst.
A sop was given to the conscience of Europe by in-
serting Article 23 into the treaty of Berlin, to secure
to the populations of Macedonia and other Balkan
provinces the right of self-government.

Unfortunately, as usually happens in such cases, the
article remained a dead letter. The European Powers

W

Possible Entanglement

agreed what ought to be done, and even went so far as
to draw up an organic constitution for the govern-
ment of Macedonia, but nothing effective was done to
carry out the provisions of the Treaty.

What the results of the capture of the American
lady missionary will be it is impossible to predict.
Miss Stone may be liberated, or, on the other hand,
she may be sacrificed, owing to the alarm excited in
the minds of her captors at being punished for their
crime. In either case the Americans will be com-
pelled sooner or later to take the matter up seriously.

If the brigands get their money, the profit that they
have made upon this transaction will encourage them
to develop and extend the kidnapping business. More
American missionaries will be caught, and held pris-
oners to be ransomed, and thus the American Govern-
ment may be forced to take action. If, on the other
hand, Miss Stone is killed, the Macedonian question
will at once be raised — who can say with what con-
sequences ?

It is not necessary in this survey of the American-
ization of the world to speculate further upon the part
which the citizens of the United States have played in
the recent history of the Ottoman Empire. I described
this at some length in the book which I wrote in 1899,
entitled "The United States of Europe." I take the
liberty, however, of reproducing here its salient
passages.

Thirty years ago a couple of Americans, Christian
men, with heads on their shoulders, settled in Turkey,
and set about teaching on American methods the ris-

188

American Education

ing youth of the East in an institution called the
Robert College. They have never from that day to
this had at their command a greater income than
$30,000 or $40,000 a year. They have insisted that
every student within their walls shall be thoroughly
trained on the American principles, which, since they
were imported by the men of the Mayflower, have
well-nigh made the tour of the world. That was their
line, and they have stuck to it now for thirty years.

With what result? That American College is to-
day the chief hope of the future of the millions who in-
habit the Sultan's dominions. They have 200 students
in the college to-day, but they have trained and sent
out into the world thousands of bright, brainy young
fellows, who have carried the leaven of the Ameri-
can town meeting into all provinces of the Ottoman
Empire.

The one great thing done in the making of States in
the last quarter of the century was the creation of the
Bulgarian Principality. But the Bulgarian Princi-
pality, the resurrection of the Bulgarian nationality,
although materially achieved by the sword of the liber-
ating and avenging hordes of Russia, was due
primarily to the Robert College. It was the Ameri-
cans who sowed the seed. It was the men of Robert
College who took into Bulgaria the glad news of a
good time coming when Bulgaria would be free.

And when the Russian Army of liberation returned
home after the peace was signed it passed down the
Bosphorus, and as each huge transport, crowded with
the war-worn veterans of the Balkan battlefields,

J89

The Robert College

steamed past the picturesque Crag of Roumeli Hissar,
on which the Robert College sits enthroned, the troops
one and all did homage to the institution which had
made Bulgaria possible, by cheering lustily and caus-
ing the military bands to play American airs. It was
the tribute of the artificers in blood and iron to the
architects on whose designs they had builded the Bul-
garian State.

But the influence of the American College did not
stop there. When the Constitutional Assembly met
at Tirnova to frame the constitution for the new-born
State, it was the Robert College graduates who suc-
ceeded in giving the new constitution its extreme demo-
cratic character ; and when, after the Russians left, the
Bulgarians began to do their own governing, it was
again the American-trained men who displayed the
spirit of independence which baffled and angered the
Russian generals.

From that time to now — when I visited Sofia one
Robert College man was Prime Minister of Bulgaria
and another was Bulgarian Minister at Constan-
tinople, while a third, one of the ablest of them, was
Bulgarian Minister at Athens — the Robert College has
been a nursery for Bulgarian statesmen. So marked
indeed has been the influence of this one institution,
there are some who say that of all the results of the
Crimean War nothing was of such permanent im-
portance as the one fact that it attracted to Constan-
tinople a plain American citizen from New York.

The influence of the United States in the East is by
no means confined to Robert College. There are other

i90

The American Dominant

institutions founded by Americans at Constantinople
which are working quite as well as the Robert College ;
but as they educate girls instead of boys, they will not
make their political influence felt until the sons of the
students come to man's estate. But it is not only at
Constantinople Americans are at work. They are at
the present moment almost the only people who are
doing any good for humanity in Asiatic Turkey.

How many American citizens are aware, I wonder,
that from the slopes of Mount Ararat all the way to
the shores of the blue ^Egean Sea American mission-
aries have scattered broadcast over all the distressful
land the seeds of American principles? The Russians
know it, and regard the fact with anything but com-
placency. When General Mossouloff, the director of
the foreign faiths within the Russian Empire, visited
Etchmiadzin, in the confines of Turkish Armenia, the
Armenian patriarch spread before him a map of Asia
Minor which was marked all over with American col-
leges, American churches, American schools and Amer-
ican missions. They are busy everywhere, begetting
new life in these Asiatic races. They stick to their
Bible and their spelling-book, but every year an in-
creasing number of Armenians and other Orientals
issue from the American schools familiar with the
principles of the Declaration of Independence and the
fundamental doctrines of the American constitution.
And so the leaven is spreading throughout the whole
land.

Of course, such new wine could not be poured into
the very old bottles of the Turkish provinces without

M

In Letters of Blood

making itself felt. The Armenians, a thrifty and studi-
ous race, soon became "swell-headed." What Bulga-
rians had done they thought Armenians could do. As
the Robert College men had created an independent Bul-
garia, they, in turn, would show that they could create
an independent Armenia. So they set to work ; but,
alas ! though they did their part of the work bravely
enough, Russia, this time, was in no mood to come to
their rescue. So the Sultan fell upon them in his
wrath and delivered them over to the Bashi-Bazouk
and the Kurd. What followed is written in letters of
blood and fire across the recent history of the East.

But the end is not yet. The American missionaries,
who took no part in the abortive insurrection, were
not as a rule much molested. They are working on,
teaching, preaching, sowing the seed day by day, creat-
ing the forces which will in time overturn the Turkish
Government and regenerate Armenia. The Turk
knows it, and is longing for the time when he may have
it out with the giaour from beyond the sea. But be-
hind the American missionary stands the British con-
sul, and the Sultan fears to give the signal for ex-
tirpation.

Long ago, when I was a boy, I remember being
much impressed with a passage in Cobden's political
writings, in which, after describing the desolation that
prevailed in the Garden of the East owing to the blight-
ing despotism of the Turks, he asked whether it would
not be enormously for the benefit of the world in gen-
eral, and of British trade in particular, if the whole of
the region now blighted by the presence of the Turk

J92

A Dream Coming True

could be handed over to an American syndicate or
company cf New England merchants, who would be
entrusted with the administration of the country, with
instructions to run it on business principles.

"Who can doubt," said the great free-trader, "that if
such an arrangement could be made, before long the
desert would blossom as a rose ? Great centres of busy
industry would arise in territories that were at one
time the granary and treasury of the world." This
beatific vision of Manchester-dom has never ceased to
haunt my memory. But until recent times, I have
never seen how this excellent American syndicate was
to get Turkey into its pocket. Gradually, however,
with the decay of Turkish authority, with the expan-
sion of American ambitions, and above all, with the
development of the American fleet, Cobden's dream
seems to me to be in a fair way of being realized.

It seems to me the most natural thing in the world
that some fine day there will be one of those savage
outbreaks of religious or imperial fanaticism which
will lead some unhanged ruffian who has been deco-
rated by the Sultan, or some Kurdish chief to take it
into his head to avenge the wrongs of Islam on the
nearest American mission station. He will sweep
down at the head of his troops upon a school or manse.
The building will be given to the flames, the Amer-
ican missionary will be flung into the burning build-
ing to perish in the fire, while his wife and daughters
will be carried off to the harem of some pasha.

Nothing could be more natural or more in accord-
ance with the ordinary practice in these savage regions.

m

A Portentous Possibility

There is no available force to defend the American
settlers from their assailants. In these remote dis-
tricts it is often possible to conceal a crime for months
by the very completeness with which the victims have
been extirpated. But, of course, after a time, whether
it be weeks or whether it be months, the fate of that
mission station would be known.

The story of the great massacre, when the mission-
ary was burned alive in his own flaming school-house,
would leak out, and then, in the natural course of
things, some enterprising newspaper man would make
his way to the scene of the outrage, would verify the
facts, would ascertain the whereabouts of the unfor-
tunate American women, and possibly return to the
outside world bearing with him a pathetic and urgent
appeal from the captives, for rescue from the Turkish
harem.

This outrage, after all, is nothing more than the
kind of thing to which the Christian races of the East
have had to submit from generation to generation.
The victims have been as white, as Christian, and as
wretched as those whose imaginary doom at the hands
of the Turk or Kurd I have been describing. But in
the latter case the girls, with their devoted mother,
who may be subjected to the worst outrage at the
hands of their captors, would differ from the Ar-
menians in that they speak English. That one differ-
ence would be vital. On the day on which that smart
newspaper man wrote out his story of the fate of those
American women — wrote it out in vivid characters,
bright and clear before the eyes of the whole English-
$94

Death-Knell of the Turk

speaking race — the doom of the Ottoman Empire
would be sealed.

There are eighty millions of human beings in the
United States, most of whom speak English, and each
one of whom would feel that the imprisoned women
were even as his own sisters. On the day on which
the news of their incarceration and outrage reached
the Christian Republic of the West, the whole of the
eighty millions who inhabit the invulnerable fortress
which Nature has established between the fosses of the
Atlantic and the Pacific would start to their feet as one
man, and from the whole continent would rise but one
question and one imperative command.

The question would be : "Where is Dewey ? Where
is Sampson? Where are our invincible ironclads,
which in two battles swept the flag of Spain from the
seas? Why are our great captains roosting round
upon their battleships, while such horrors are inflicted
upon women from America?" And after that inquiry
would come quick and sharp the imperious mandate:
'To the Dardanelles ! To the Dardanelles !"

In three weeks the commanders who shattered the
Spanish fleet at Manila, and drove the ironclads of
Admiral Cervera in blazing ruin upon the coast of
Cuba, would appear off the Dardanelles to exact in-
stant and condign punishment for the outrage in-
flicted upon American women.

Nor would they stop at the Dardanelles. The Stars
and Stripes would soon fly over the waters of the Sea
of Marmora, and the thunder of the American guns
would sound the death-knell of the Ottoman dynasty.

195

The Flag Over Constantinople

No power on earth would be able to arrest the advance
of the American ships, nor, indeed, is there any Power
in Europe that would even attempt to do so. The
patience of Christendom has long been almost worn
out, and Europe would probably maintain an expec-
tant attitude while the deathblow was struck at the
crumbling relics of the Ottoman Power.

When the Sultan had fled from Stamboul, leaving
his capital to the violence of the mob, the Americans,
to save Constantinople from the fate of Alexandria,
would be compelled to occupy the city of Constantine,
and, as our experience has long shown, it is much
easier to occupy than it is to evacuate. Every day that
the Stars and Stripes floated over the gates of the
Euxine would tend to familiarize Europe with the idea
that, of all possible solutions, the indefinite occupa-
tion of Constantinople by the Americans might be
open to fewer objections than any other conceivable
solution. Thus, at any moment, owing to what may
be regarded as a normal incident in the methods of
Ottoman misrule, Cobden's dream might be fulfilled,
and the great Republic of the West become the agent
for restoring prosperity and peace to the desolated
East.

To this vision of things to come I have little to add
to-day. But I may remind English readers who know
little or nothing concerning the extent to which the
Americans have entered the missionary field that there
are more communicants in connection with the churches
founded by the American missionaries than there are
in connection with the churches founded by missiona-

J96

English-Speaking Missionaries

ries sent out by the United Kingdom. The Americans
are behind us in the total amount of money raised
every year, but they have more communicants and
more native adherents and more Sunday-schools. The
figures extracted from the report of the (Ecumenical
Conference of Missionaries held in New York two or
three years ago are very striking. They are as
follows : —

Statistics of American and English Societies Directly
engaged in conducting foreign missions.

United United

States. Kingdom.

Number of Societies 49 54

Income Total $5,403,048 $8,266,374

Ordained Missionaries 1352 1984

t), • • I Women 160 205

Physicians ^ II4 ^

Lay Missionaries, not Physicians

(Men) 109 765

Married Women, not Physicians 1274 1148

Unmarried Women, not Physicians . . 1006 1668

Total of Foreign Missionaries 41 10 5937

Ordained Natives 1575 1729

Unordained Native Workers 15.013 29,779

Total of Native Helpers 16,605 3L740

Stations 7321 15,576

Organized Churches 4107 5100

Communicants 421,597 326,979

Sunday Schools 7231 3817

Sunday School Membership 344,385 213.935

Native Contributions $628,717 $797,355

Native Christians, including Non-Com-
municants 1,257,425 1,204,033

The missionaries of the English-speaking world ex-
ceed in number those of all the other Protestant na-
tions put together. They can only be compared with

J97

The Americans in Africa

those who are sent out by the Church of Rome. The
parallel and contrast between the English-speaking
race and the Church of Rome is of world-wide interest
and very suggestive, for, to use Mr. Gladstone's phrase,
our race "may almost claim to constitute a kind of uni-
versal Church in politics."

On the continent of Africa the Americans have as
yet hardly laid their hand. They have had their
share in punitive expeditions against the Moslem on
the north coast. They originated the colony of freed
negroes on the west coast which subsequently developed
into the Republic of Liberia. An American consul
in Egypt by sheer bluff secured for the United States
a place among the Powers charged with the control of
the International Tribunals. The Methodist Epis-
copalians of the United States have created the whole
African continent into one vast bishopric and placed
it under Bishop Hartzell. Here and there all over the
continent American missionaries are to be found labor-
ing for the conversion of the heathen. But the Amer-
icans are only pecking at Africa as yet. Not until
Booker Washington and his like create an educated
race of American blacks will the Americanization of
Africa really begin.

J98

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Third

Asia

The Americans are changing so many of the cur-
rently accepted ideas of the other peoples, that an
Englishman may be pardoned a certain degree of sat-
isfaction when he finds that in one very important
matter the Americans have adopted English ideas.
Until quite recently the Americans as a whole were
under the influence of the ancient fallacy which domi-
nated the mind of Mr. Gladstone, — that the sea was
still a divider and not a uniter of nations.

A State across which you could walk from end to
end, without any need of taking ship when passing
from province to province, was held by them to be
something altogether superior to a State whose high-
ways were the oceans. The very existence of the
British Empire was due to the fact that this doctrine
was fallacious, but Mr. Gladstone to the end of his
life never succeeded in emancipating himself from its
influence.

The Americans have only just begun to realize that
they also may hope to adopt the proud boast of their

199

Across the Pacific

British forefathers, and to declare that the frontiers of
the United States extend to the coastline of her enemies
and rivals. Once having abandoned their old position,
they seem to be animated by the proverbial zeal of the
new disciple ; and from shrinking nervously from wet-
ting their feet in the Gulf of Mexico, they have now
boldly plunged across the wide Pacific, and have estab-
lished themselves off the Asiatic coast.

Their advance across that ocean has been very rapid.
It began without any notion on the part of the Amer-
ican people of what was going to happen. The mis-
sionaries were unintentionally the pioneers of trade and
then of political dominion, The process was uniform.
The missionaries in the Sandwich Islands and Samoa
labored to teach the native population the blessings of
Christianity ; then came the trader, who introduced
them to the blessings of commerce, and after the trader
came the administrators, who hoisted the Stars and
Stripes, and conferred upon the islanders the blessings
of being allowed to stand on the threshold of the
American Constitution without being permitted to cross
the portals.

Hawaii was annexed in 1898. The first treaty with
Samoa was made in 1872, when the port of Pago-
Pago was acquired as a coaling-station for steamers
trading between San Francisco and Australia. The
treaty was not ratified until 1878. At the end of
1899 Great Britain retired from Samoa, which was
left to be divided between Germany and the United
States; and on the 17th of April, 1900, the Stars and
Stripes went up over the island of Tutuila. At Pearl
200

Across the Pacific

Harbor in Hawaii, and Pago-Pago in Samoa, the
Americans had planted sea-castles in the mid-Pacific,
as bases for their advances upon Asia.

The event which converted the American Republic
into an Asiatic Power was an unforeseen consequence
of the war undertaken for the liberation of Cuba. The
necessity for destroying the Spanish fleet at Manila,
which otherwise would have been free to prey upon
American shipping, placed the Americans in command
of the greatest commercial city in Southeastern Asia
at Manila.

It is one of the invariable consequences of war that
the passions excited by the combat arouse appetites
which can only be satisfied by the annexation of con-
quered territory. Mr. Roosevelt may have foreseen
the annexation of the Philippines when, in 1897, as
Assistant Secretary of the Navy, he prepared in ad-
vance for the attack upon the Spanish fleet; but it
is doubtful whether even he realized the avidity with
which the American people, elated by the easy victory
of Admiral Dewey, would fling themselves upon their
prey.

"At any rate we have got the Philippines," exult-
antly exclaimed an American citizen in London.

"I beg your pardon," I replied, "it is not so."

"Do you mean to say we have not got the Philip-
pines?" he asked.

"Certainly," I answered. "You have not got the
Philippines; it is the Philippines who have got you."

And everything that has happened since then has
justified the remark. A naval action of a few hours

20J

The Philippines

destroyed the Spanish fleet, and laid Manila prostrate
at the feet of her conquerors ; but three years of in-
termittent warfare waged by land and sea have not
yet induced the Filipinos to recognize the brotherly
love and benevolent intentions of the invaders. Agui-
naldohas been captured, but the Philippines still require
the maintenance of an American army almost as large
as the number of white soldiers by which Britain main-
tains her sovereignty over the 300,000,000 natives of
India. Nor does there as yet seem any prospect of a
material diminution of the burden.

But American influence in the Philippines seems
likely to be less important than the influence of the
Philippines in the United States. The acquisition of
these tropical islands suddenly dazzled a large section
of the American public with visions of the civilizing
sovereignty and beneficent dominion with which, in
this country, we have long been familiar. Dewey's
victory started the United States upon the career of
Asiatic conquest. Whether she will persist in it or
not remains to be seen ; but there is no doubt that the
annexation inoculated the United States with that fev-
erish spirit of Imperialism which ministers subtly to
the national pride, at the very moment that it offers a
soothing salve to the national conscience.

The discussion of this subject, however, would lead
us away from the question of the Americanization of
the world, to that of the Philippinization of the United
States. The necessity for justifying the conquest of
the Philippines — a task imposed upon them as an un-
expected corollary of a naval engagement — led some

202

Intoxicating Imperialism

Americans to grasp greedily at all the arguments by
which for many generations past the British Jingo has
justified that war for markets which Sir Edward Clarke
stigmatized as "murder for profit."

At the same time, "The White Man's Burden," that
swan song of the expiring genius of Mr. Kipling, sup-
plied an anodyne to the uneasy conscience of men who
were keen to persuade themselves that, while appar-
ently following in the footsteps of predatory Empires,
they were in reality humbly accepting onerous duties
imposed upon them as instruments of Divine Provi-
dence. The boundless possibilities of the dominion. of
the Pacific, and the opening up of Asia, stimulated
American oratory, and the glowing periods of the
orator swelled the heads of his audience with radiant
visions of the regenerated East resulting from the
establishment of the benign sovereignty of the Amer-
ican Republic at the gate of Asia.

After the annexation of the Philippines the cutting
of the Isthmian Canal seemed to most Americans to
be a foregone conclusion. While contemplating the
possibilities of the future, Senator Beveridge let him-
self go in opening the Republican campaign in Chi-
cago on the 25th of September, 1900, in the following
characteristic outburst : —

"When an English ship, laden with English goods,
bound for the Orient, sails westward, her first sight
of land will be Porto Rico — and Cuba, also, as I hope
— with the Stars and Stripes above them. As it
passes through the wedded waters of the Isthmian sea,
still the Stars and Stripes above them. Half way

203

Some Commercial Geography

across that great American ocean, known as the
Pacific, the first port of call and exchange will be the
Islands of Hawaii, with the Stars and Stripes above
them. And further west, as the land of sunrise and
sunset lifts before the eyes of the crew of that mer-
chantman, they will behold glowing in the heavens
of the east still again, and still forever, those Stars
and Stripes of glory. And if that ship set sail from
Australia for Japan, it must stop and trade in ports of
that greatest commercial stronghold in the world, the
Philippine Islands, with the Stars and Stripes above
each one of them.

"Lay a ruler on the world's map and you will find
that the most convenient ocean highways to the mar-
kets of the Orient or to the markets of the south
are dominated by American possessions — by Porto
Rico, by the canal, by Hawaii, by the Philippines, ours
now, and ours forever — aye, and, through the choice
of her own people, by Cuba too, ours in the future,
and when once ours, then ours forever, with the Stars
and Stripes above them."

Having thus established themselves in the Philip-
pines, it was necessary for the Americans to discover
what immense use could be made of their new posses-
sion. Senator Beveridge was careful to point out that
they were next-door neighbor to all Asia; they were
nearer to India than St. Louis is to New York, to China
than St. Louis is to San Francisco. They were the
stepping-stone to the most sought-for market in the
world. There were 300,000,000 consumers in India, to
which the Philippines gave us almost equal access with

204

Croker's Policy

England herself. To China with her 400,000,000 con-
sumers the Philippines gave us quicker access than even
Japan has to Australia, and all Oceania, to which again
the Philippines give us easier access than England
herself.

This pocket argument was reinforced by the cus-
tomary appeal to the sacred obligations of duty to the
unfortunate Filipinos. Again to quote Senator
Beveridge : —

"When Circumstance has raised our flag above them,
we dare not turn these misguided children over to
destruction by themselves or spoliation by others, and
then make answer when the God of nations requires
them at our hands, 'Am I my brother's keeper?' "

And so it came to pass that the United States within
a few months of having recoiled with horror from any
suggestion of over-sea dominion, declared in the im-
mortal words of Mr. Croker: —

"I am in favor of holding on to all that we have
got, and reaching out for more."

To us in the Old World the phenomenon is too
familiar to excite more than a passing comment. But
when we hear the old familiar arguments pronounced
with an American accent, it reminds us how much of
the old Adam has survived in the New World.

The Americans having thus become, almost against
their will at first, but afterwards by their deliberate
choice, an Asiatic conquering Power, were compelled
to confront and discuss international questions of the
first magnitude, and, primarily, the one great question
which confronts all in the East, namely, what should

205

The Open Door

be their attitude in relation to Russia? The schism
which tore the English-speaking world in twain had
its advantages as well as its disadvantages, and one of
those advantages was that it left the Republican sec-
tion of the English-speaking world immune to the
ravages of Russophobia.

The Russians, the only European race equalling in
numbers the English-speakers of the world, have al-
ways been in as friendly relations with the Americans
as they have been at cross-purposes with the British.
When the American Republic, newly planted on
Asiatic soil, had to reconsider its traditional policy in
relation to Russia, it was a fateful moment in the
history of the race. Tempters were not wanting to
tell Mr. McKinley and Mr. Hay that they should
modify their traditional policy in relation to Russia
by taking up a position more or less akin to that of
Great Britain. The old saying about blood being
thicker than water, which was first coined in the fight
on the Peiho, seemed capable of a new application, and
there were not wanting those who believed that an
Anglo-American alliance with an anti-Russian objec-
tive was close at hand.

Fortunately the world was saved from this disaster
by the good sense of the Americans. Mr. Hay seemed
to waver for a moment, but finally he maintained his
equilibrium, and the Americans adopted a policy in
China which brought them into harmonious relations
with all the Powers, without committing them to
antagonism to Russia. Equally with Great Britain
America advocates the policy of the open door, de-

206

The Integrity of China

manding only a fair field and no favor in the inter-
national competition for the Chinese market. But
whenever British statesmen talk about "open doors,"
there is always the suggestion of menace directed
against Russia. The United States is more likely to
keep the door open by adopting a different policy and
by being equally ready to co-operate with Russia or
with any other Power, so long as the main objects of
their policy are identical with her own.

The United States were fortunate in having, during
the critical period when the fateful decision was taken,
a Chinese Minister at Washington who had assimi-
lated American ideas so perfectly that he became for
the time being a veritable force in American politics.
In all America no one was more Americanized than
Wu. Whether he was driving his automobile about
the streets of Washington, or lecturing in Chicago,
or contributing to the North American Revieiv, he
showed himself thoroughly up-to-date and capable of
employing all the resources of Western civilization for
the purpose of furthering the interests of the great
empire of the East. He assisted in forming a strong
public sentiment in favor of the maintenance of the
integrity of the Chinese Empire, and made a gallant
and unsuccessful struggle against the race prejudice
which led the Americans hermetically to seal their
doors against Chinese emigration at the very time
when they were insisting upon the maintenance of the
open door in China.

Although the United States adopted the sound policy
of co-operation with Russia and the other Powers in

207

The Opening Wedge

maintaining the territorial integrity of the Chinese
Empire, on condition that that great market was
thrown open to all comers on equal terms, the growth
of her trade in China led her to reconsider her refusal
to accept a concession of land offered her some time
ago by the Chinese Government at Tientsin. Since
then the imports brought into Tientsin from America
have exceeded those from Great Britain, and the im-
ports of American petroleum have exceeded those
from Russia. In view of the increase of trade the
American Minister, Mr. Conger, has received instruc-
tions to ask the Chinese Government to grant a con-
cession of land at Tientsin, where the American trad-
ers may establish an American municipality.

This, however, in no way implies that the United
States contemplates any fishing in the troubled waters
of "spheres of influence," and the like. They played
their part in the defence of the Legations, and the
American troops were among the best behaved of
those despatched for the relief of the beleaguered
residency in Pekin. One of the unfortunate con-
sequences of the war was that it tended somewhat
to discredit the American missionaries, who, if the tes-
timony collected by Mark Twain may be accepted,
showed tendencies in dealing with the Person Sitting
in Darkness that savored more of the severity of the
Mosaic dispensation than of the sweet reasonableness
and merciful forgiveness inculcated by the founder of
their creed. In this respect, however, the American
missionaries resembled most of their cloth, whether
Protestant or Catholic, and they share the responsi-

20S

Awakening of Japan

bility of having contributed to the moral bankruptcy
of Christendom in China.

One of the most remarkable instances of the ex-
ercise of American influence, the far-reaching conse-
quences of which are absolutely incalculable is that of
the awakening of Japan, one of the greatest achieve-
ments of the nineteenth century. That awakening
was largely due to the action of the American Govern-
ment. Baron Kantero Kaneko, President of the
America's Friends Society of Japan, in 1901, reared a
monument to commemorate the fact on the forty-ninth
anniversary of the arrival of Commodore Perry of the
United States Navy, who was sent to Japan for the
purpose of concluding a treaty of commerce and
friendly intercourse between the two nations.

Until that time Japan had been hermetically sealed
to Western civilization. Dutch and British envoys
had in vain attempted to induce the Japanese Govern-
ment to open the country to foreign trade, but it was
not until 1853, when Commodore Perry arrived as the
emissary of the Government of President Fillmore,
that the Japanese were induced to abandon their policy
of exclusion and embark upon that career of revolu-
tionary reform which has carried them so far. Baron
Kantero Kaneko, in the circular inviting subscriptions
to the monument, said : —

" True. Japan has not forgotten — nor will she ever forget
— that next to her reigning and most beloved Sovereign whose
high virtues and great wisdom are above all praise, she owes
in no small degree her present prosperity to the United
States of America in that the latter rendered her great and
lasting service. . . . After the lapse of these forty-eight

209

Awakening of Japan

years her people have, however, come to entertain but an
uncertain memory of Kurihama, and yet it was there that
Commodore Perry first trod on the soil of Japan, and for the
first time awoke the country from a slumberous seclusion of
centuries — there it was where first gleamed the light that has
ever since illumined Japan's way in her new career of prog-
ress."

A year after Perry's visit, in spite of the strong op-
position of the Barons, and without waiting for the
sanction of the Emperor, the Regency concluded a
treaty of commerce which opened the ports of Japan
to American trade. Similar conventions were after-
wards signed with Russia, France, Holland, and Eng-
land. It was not, however, until fourteen years later
that this important step bore its final fruit in the revo-
lution which has placed Japan in the forefront of the
most progressive nations of the world.

In the period that intervened between 1854 and
1868 the American Government, together with Eng-
land, Holland and France, bombarded Shimonoseki.
After the town was destroyed, an indemnity of £750,-
000 was exacted from Japan and divided among the
Powers. The United States Congress many years
afterwards authorized the President to return to Japan
the sum of £137,000, which was in excess of the ex-
penditures actually incurred. This is an almost
unique instance, possibly quite unique, in which any
civilized Government having exacted an indemnity
in excess of damage done, made restitution of the sur-
plus. If all the civilized Powers had been equally
honest in their dealings with Asiatic races, much
bloodshed might have been avoided.
2J0

Corea, Burma and India

The influence of America upon Japan has not, how-
ever, always been an influence for good. The career
of Mr. Hashi Toru, who was assassinated in 1901,
showed that the vices as well as the virtues are ex-
portable from the United States. Mr. Hashi Toru
was a man of undoubted ability, who, during his so-
journ in Washington, where he was attached to the
Japanese Legation, was much impressed by the power
and wealth which the Boss system of American pol-
itics placed at the disposal of the Boss. He went
back to Japan, and in no long time had established
himself as the Croker of the Japanese capital. His
power was so firmly established that the Reformer Iba
Sotaro, despairing of ridding Japan of this American
importation in any other way, slew Hashi Toru, in
full light of day, and then surrendered himself to
the authorities. Whether Bossism will revive in a
land where the assassination of the Boss ranks as an
act of patriotism, remains to be seen.

The kingdom of Corea is another field which offers
promising openings to the American capitalist and the
American adventurer. Already the concessionaire is
busy, and sooner or later we shall find American in-
fluence potent and possibly supreme in the hermit king-
dom. The American trolley has already invaded the
capital, and with the trolley come many other Ameri-
can notions which are likely to have considerable in-
fluence in deciding the future of the country that has
been so long a bone of contention between Japan and
Russia.

American influence in the rest of Asia until quite

2U

Anglo-Americanism in India

recently has been chiefly confined to the teaching of
American missionaries. They have taken an honora-
ble and useful part in the presentation of the doctrines
of the Christian religion to the myriads of Burma and
India. Every British missionary is regarded more or
less as representing the Government which he obeys.
The Americans, who do not labor under this disad-
vantage, often find it easier on this account to win
the confidence of the people among whom they labor.
In consequence of this detached position, they are
able sometimes to affect more directly the action of
the Government than the British missionaries.

The most notable illustration of this was afforded
by the immense service which was rendered to the
cause of morality and humanity by the action of two
American ladies, Dr. Kate Bushnell and Mrs. Eliza-
beth Andrews, who succeeded in bringing to light the
existence of a deliberate attempt on the part of the
military authorities of India to set the decisions of
the House of Commons at defiance in the matter of the
official regulation and patronage of vice.

There are few things finer in the recent annals of
India than the way in which these two women, alone
and single-handed, penetrated into cantonment after
cantonment, ascertained the existence of the terrible
facts, which officialdom, civil and military, insolently
denied, and then, with all their evidence complete, came
'to London to challenge the authorities, and put them
to open and humiliating confusion. Lord Roberts to
this day has not forgotten the bitter moment when he
had to confess that as Commander-in-Chief he had
2J2

Anglo-Americanism in India

been in utter ignorance of facts the existence of which
he had denied.

To have extorted a public apology from Lord
Roberts, to have convicted the whole of Anglo-Indian
officialdom of deceiving the world in order to evade
the deliberate decision of the House of Commons, is
an achievement which rarely falls to the lot of mortal
men, and still more rarely to that of mortal women.

As to what would be the net effect upon India if
America and Britain amalgamated their forces, and
bore the White Man's burden in Asia between them, it
is as yet too premature to speculate. At present, how-
ever, it is worth noting that the Viceroy of India,
Lord Curzon, who governs the country in the name of
the King, has as partner and helpmate an American
wife. Love, which laughs at locksmiths, makes also
short cuts through political barriers, and it may be
that in the marriage which made a Chicago girl Vice-
Empress of India we see a foreshadowing of things
to come, when Britain and America, happily united in
the permanent ties of a race alliance, may pool their
resources and devote their united energies to the work
of the amelioration of the lot of the impoverished
myriads of Asia.

2J3

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Fourth

Central and Sooth America

It sounds somewhat of a paradox, but it conveys a
remarkable truth, that there are few parts of the world
which have been less Americanized than Southern
America. As I have already stated, the United States
does less business with the entire population of Central
and South America than it does with the five million
or six million people who occupy the long belt of terri-
tory running along the Northern frontier. The influ-
ence of New York and Chicago is much more felt in
London and in Liverpool than it is in Santiago and
Buenos Ayres. The fact is that the whole of our
geographical notions of space are very much out of
date. If distances were calculated not by miles, but by
the number of hours or days it takes to traverse them,
we should have a much more correct view of the
comparative propinquity of places. According to
maps, the United States, lying in the same continent as
South America, is geographically a nearer neighbor

2J4

Political Consideration Not Dominant

than the United Kingdom. But, if any one in the
United States wants to reach South America, he will
find it a saving of time to cross the Atlantic and start
from London.

While the Americans are Americanizing England,
the English have been for years past busily engaged
in Anglicizing South America, the Monroe Doctrine
notwithstanding. As we need to modify our ideas
of distance, so it would be well to rid our minds of
a good many delusions that are based upon the old
superstition that political considerations dominate
everything. Political considerations sometimes domi-
nate very little. Religion, literature, trade, have often
much more influence than a mere political tie. Take
the case of South America, for instance. We have
largely Anglicized it from the point of view of com-
merce, but the people of that continent are much more
subjects of the Pope of Rome than to Great Britain.
Of the outside influences which affect the daily lives of
sixty millions of Central and Southern Americans,
the Vatican comes first, the English Stock Exchange
second, while the United States of America comes in
a very bad third. All this may be changed, and the
citizens of the United States have made up their
minds that it must be changed, and that right speedily ;
but at present they have placed too much reliance upon
a purely negative influence exerted exclusively in the
political sphere.

The Monroe Doctrine, for instance, by which Uncle
Sam may be said to have cast his shoe over the whole
of the territory lying south of the Rio Grande, is

2J5

Half-Bred Republics

purely negative. It simply says to all European States,
"Thou shalt not annex any fresh territory in the New
World." But there it stops. Now a merely negative
interdict such as this, so far from exercising influence
on South America, is apt to operate in the exactly op-
posite direction. It is a guarantee, to all the half-bred
Republics lying between the North of Mexico and the
Straits of Tierra del Fuego, against all danger of an-
nexation from European Powers — that is to say, it
removes the pressure of the fear which might have
driven them to put their house in order, to introduce
the methods of civilization, and ingratiate themselves
with the United States so as to secure the support of
the Government at Washington in case of any medi-
tated conquest by any of the Great Powers.

The Monroe Doctrine annuls this dread. Each Re-
public feels that it can do as it pleases, that it need
take no heed of the wishes of the United States, and
that it is under no necessity to provide itself with the
appliances of civilization. We have had considerable
experience in the Old World of the mischief which is
wrought by this kind of guarantee.

It is true that there is no such hideous negation of
God erected into a system to be found either in Central
or Southern America as there is in the Ottoman Em-
pire ; but there is no denying that with the exception
of Chili and the Argentine most of the South Amer-
ican Governments leave much to be desired.

President Roosevelt sees this clearly enough, and
one of the declared objects of the new administration
is to establish a direct commercial alliance, with steam-

216

British Commercial Annexes

ers which will place the American ports in direct com-
munication with the seaports of South America. Un-
til this is done the American commercial invasion of
South America can hardly be said to have begun.

At present the Argentine Republic, Chili, and Peru
are commercial annexes of Great Britain. There is no
reason to suppose that the advent of the United States
will lead to our banishment from provinces which the
enterprise of our merchants have made our own with
little help from armies cr diplomacy. It is forgotten
that at the beginning of the century we seized both
Montevideo and Buenos Ayres, and if our generals
had been men of ordinary capacity it is possible there
might have been a British Empire at the extreme south
of the American continent to balance the Canadian
Dominion at the extreme north. That time, however,
has gone by, and since then we have neither attempted
to annex South American territory nor seriously to
colonize the vast and fertile territory of South
America.

What we have done has been to lend them money
and to invest money, millions of money, in the con-
struction of the railways and tramways, and in ranch
companies and mines. In the Argentine Republic, as
Mr. Shaw-Lefevre has recently reminded us, all the
railways in the country are practically owned by
British capitalists and managed by English companies.
The same is generally true of tramways, telephone,
and electric lighting companies. The principal banks,
and loan and trust companies, and very many indus-
trial concerns are worked with British capital and

217

English Capita!

managed by Englishmen and Scotchmen. In Buenos
Ayres alone there are 160 miles of tramways under ten
different companies, all of which are financed from
England. The railway companies under British man-
agement can raise money at 4 per cent., while the
Government of the Argentine has to pay six. There is
an English colony of 25,000 persons in Buenos Ayres,
and a great many are scattered all over the country.
Mr. Shaw-Lefevre says that it is estimated that nearly
£250,000,000 of English capital is invested in the
country.

Although we have a colony of 25,000 in the Argen-
tine, the French, who are usually said to be not a
colonizing nation, are credited with twice the num-
ber, and they are at least equalled by the German
settlers. But, although the Russian Stundists and
other nationalities have helped to swell the foreign
element in the Argentine, the great majority of the
European settlers are Italians. They find the climate
agreeable, and they are at home in a land whose popu-
lation is Latin in its origin and Catholic in its religion

In Chili the British capitalist is as much in evidence
as in the Argentine. Sir Howard Vincent, who trav-
elled through South America in 1897, reported that
the greater enterprises were almost entirely in British
hands ; the principal railways, the ports, the large
estates, the main factories. In Valparaiso the great-
est mercantile houses are British ; nearly half the ship-
ping is British. The Chilians, he declared, are the
British of the Pacific. The British colonists, largely
of Scotch origin, have become naturalized Chilians,

218

South American Possibilities

and take a leading part in the government of the Re-
public. In Peru half the shipping arriving at Callao
is British, and the Chilians come next, whose officers
are nearly all British. The Peruvian Corporation,
which took over £50,000,000 of the Peruvian foreign
debt, and also ten State railways, are all British.

The following figures concerning South and Central
America are quoted from a very useful pamphlet com-
piled by Mr. Sanson, of the South American Journal,
entitled "South America as a Field for Emigrants": —

Name of Country.

Area in
Square Miles.

Population
Last Census.

Inhabi-
tants
per

Square
Mile.

South America.
Brazil . .

No.

3,218,082

1,125,086

293,970

72,150

98,000

567,200

503,000

120,000

573.900

593.940

46, 800
37,000

7.225

43,000

49. 5oo

767.005

No.

16,000,000
4,090,000
3,350,000
840,700
600,000
2,330.330
4,000,000
1,270,000
4,000,000
2,323.500

1,535,000
268,000

803,534

398,900

420,000

12,619,954

•53

Argentine Republic. . .
Chili

.36
1 . 14

Uruguay

1 . 15

Paraguay

.61

Bolivia

.41

Peru

•79
1.05

Ecuador

Colombia

.69

Venezuela

•39

Central America.

Guatemala

Costa Rica

33-1
7-2

Salvador

114. 7

Nicaragua

9.2
8.6

16.4

8,215,858

74,848,964

219

South American Possibilities

Name of
Country.

Latest Trade Returns.

Trade per

head of
Population.

Imports.

Exports.

Imp.

Exp.

South America.
Brazil

£

21,567,000

21,485,780
11,875 000
5,576,000
72,500
3,670,050
1,929,727
1,394.578
2,500,000
2,300,400

776,133
917,223
270,000
274,661
573.236
9,121,810

£

26,752,200

26,765,891
11,955,000

6,728,200
69,400

3,012,563

3.027,477
2,250,000
2,670,000

3,516,519

1,098,390
1,012,102
1,080,000

256,685

636,710

13-871. 513

£

i- 3

5 • 2

3. 6
6. 6
0. 12
1. 5

0. 5

1. 1
6. 0
1 .00

0.50
3- 3
0.38
0. 70

i- 4

0.72

£

1. 6

Argentine Re-
public

Chili

6. 4

3- 6

Uruguay

Paraguay

Bolivia

8. 0
0. 11
i- 3

Peru

0. 70

Ecuador

Colombia

Central America.

Guatemala

Costa Rica

Salvador

Honduras

Nicaragua

Mexico

1. 8
0.60
1.07

0.60

3- 8
1. 4
0.69
1. 5
1 . 1

£84,323,088

.£104,741,840

From the above it will be seen that the countries
of Latin America occupy an area of 8,215,858 square
miles, or about 2.31 times the area of the whole of
Europe, but have a total population of less than double
that of the United Kingdom. A still closer idea of the
relative sizes of the countries may be formed when it
is known that Brazil alone is nearly equal in area to
Europe, or, taking the area of Great Britain at 88,600
square miles and the population at 40,000,000, Brazil
has about 361 1-3 times this area, but only two-fifths
220

South American Possibilities

of the population. The Argentine Republic is 12.6
times the area of Great Britain, but has only about a
tenth of the population.

How vast and fertile are the territories which
South America offers to the overcrowded populations
of Europe is very imperfectly appreciated in the
United States. Geographers maintain that there is
more good fertile soil available for colonization in
South America than in any other Continent. The pro-
portion of barren wilderness is smaller there than else-
where, and the population per square mile is infini-
tesimal. The whole Continent at present has not
the population of the German Empire. Yet the whole
of the German Empire might be stowed away out of
sight in a corner of Brazil.

The Americans of the United States have heretofore
done little or nothing to develop this vast Continent.
They do less trade with South and Central America
than they do with the five millions of Canadians on
their northern border. They have not established as
yet a single line of steamships between the United
States and South America. Britain has invested 500
millions sterling in South America. Every week Brit-
ish steamships leave for South American ports. Com-
mercially, we have annexed the Continent. But as
Disraeli said there is room in Asia for both Russia
and England, so we may say there is room in South
America for both John Bull and Uncle Sam.

We have considerable interest in other parts of
South America, but it is in these three States, the
Argentine, Peru, Chili, that our commercial ascend-

22 J

An Egypt of Argentine

ancy has until recently been unchallenged. Of late we
have been losing ground. The Germans are pressing
us hard, and Mr. Shaw-Lefevre warns us only this
year that unless Englishmen are prepared to work
more and play less, they will see themselves supplanted
by their more industrious competitors. Notwithstand-
ing all the many hundreds of millions of British cap-
ital invested in South America, there has been no at-
tempt to base upon these investments a claim to polit-
ical influence, much less ascendancy. The only Briton
of eminence who has ever expressed a wish to alter
this was Mr. Cecil Rhodes, who told me years ago
when the Argentine made default, that if he had been
Foreign Minister he would have occupied the Argen-
tine and held it as we hold Egypt, as a guarantee for
the payment of interest on Argentine securities.

The fact that this would have brought about an im-
mediate collision with the United States being pointed
out to him, he at once answered that the right thing to
do was for England and America to have done it to-
gether, after the fashion of the Anglo-French condo-
minium in Egypt before 1880. Mr. Rhodes at that
time was not so conspicuous a personage in British
politics as he became after he was made a Privy
Councillor, and he has of late had a good many other
things to think of beyond dreaming of South American
adventures. Mr. Rhodes, to do him justice, never wa-
vered from the idea of a race alliance, and the promo-
tion in all continents and in both hemispheres of the
ascendancy of the English-speaking man. However
injudicious his suggestion may have been about the

222

Argyle's Glib Advice

Argentine, it could at least be excused on the ground
of his race-patriotism.

But this excuse cannot be alleged for another emi-
nent Briton, the King's brother-in-law, the Duke of
Argyle to wit, who some years ago actually published
in German a fervent appeal to the German Empire to
seize, occupy and administer the Argentine Republic.
The Duke of Argyle (he was then the Marquis of
Lome), writing in the Deutsche Revue for September,
189 1, pointed out to the Germans that the German
Empire was quite capable of acquiring fame and ad-
vantage by its warlike or diplomatic conquests. He
pointed out what they were already painfully con-
scious of — that Germans ceased to be Germans when
they went abroad.

" Now," said he, " there is a country, the one country in
which there is nothing but men to despise, where a new throne
is to be mounted. There is a country whose welfare depends
on a foreign Power preventing them from knocking off each
other's heads every few years — a country with a beautiful capi-
tal, a splendid harbor, a good soil, in which everything is
excellent, except the government. This country, which only
requires a European protectorate to bring into it the long-
desired order and to make it an El Dorado, is Argentina.
Here German rule established in the form of a protectorate,
or in any other form, would be welcome, because it would be
capable of helping the country out of its distress."

And, lest the Germans should not be sufficiently
tempted by the glowing picture which he painted of
the Empire which they could win with their good
swords, in the south of America, he warned them that
one day another Power will come and do what must
one time be done there, "and then the German at home
will be angry, but he will be too late."

223

Germanizing Brazil

And the man who thus writes was at one time
Governor-General of Canada, the representative of the
British Empire in North America. But the Monroe
doctrine and the certainty that if Germany had re-
sponded to his appeal she would have been involved in
war with the United States, never seemed to have
crossed his mind, so oblivious are even clever men of
the governing factors in a situation upon which they
venture to proffer glib advice.

The Germans, it must be admitted, have shown little
inclination to respond to the suggestion of the tempter.
It is not upon Argentina, but further north, that the
Germans at present have fastened their eyes. Great
efforts have been made for several years past to deflect
German emigration from North America and Aus-
tralia to Brazil.

German Colonists have settled themselves in com-
munities in which nothing but German is spoken, and
which are looked upon in Berlin as the possible germ
of a great South American German Empire. It is
easy to see that if they increase and grow powerful,
these German-Brazilian communities, by their superior
culture and discipline, may be in a position to inter-
vene effectually in deciding the destinies of that vast
half continent which, despite all its fertility, is not one-
quarter peopled.

Colonel C. P. Bryan, United States Minister at
Brazil, declared on his return to the United States
in October, 1901, that he had utterly failed to discover
any disposition on the part of the Germans or Italians
to pursue their nationalist aspirations in Brazil. In

224

A Fair Warning

Southern Brazil he estimates the German population at
present at about a quarter of a million in number.
Many of them have become Brazilian citizens, and are
as much Brazilianized as German emigrants in the
United States are Americanized. Very few Ger-
mans of late years have been settling in Brazil. In
1898 the Italians sent 33,000, the Portuguese 11,000,
the Spaniards 6,000 emigrants to Brazil, while the
Germans sent not 500.

The Americans are well aware of German aspira-
tions in the direction of Brazil, and plain and unmis-
takable warnings have been uttered from time to time
in what may be described as the semi-official press of
the United States that any attempt on the part of the
German Empire to establish either a German protecto-
rate or a German colony under the German flag in any
part of the South American Continent will be re-
garded as a casus belli.

In Central America, the only vital interest for the
United States is found in the fact that across the isth-
mus lies the shortest road between the Atlantic and the
Pacific.

American public opinion appears to have decided
in favor of severing the Isthmus which unites the two
Americas. The question as to whether to make the
Isthmus through Nicaragua or through Panama ap-
pears to have been decided in favor of the longer route.
Uncle Sam has got money to burn, and the digging 1
a canal 182 miles in length through a difficult country
at a cost of something under £38,000,000 sterling may
not be good business from the point of view of divi-

225

The Nicaragua Canal

&"

dends, but it is a much more credible occupation than
that in which nations frequently engaged for the ex-
penditure of their surpluses. It is not for us who have
thrown away £200,000,000 sterling in order to render
South Africa permanently more difficult to hold than
it would have been if we had never fired a shot, to carp
at an expenditure of under £40,000,000 which will in-
cidentally and among other effects have the result of
bringing Melbourne nearer to New York than it is to
Liverpool.

It is not necessary here to enter into particulars as
to the merits of the rival routes. The Commission ap-
pointed to inquire into the matter reported that as they
could not buy out the French interests in Panama for
less than £20,000,000, the total cost of the Panama
route would be between £12,000,000 and £13,000,000
more than the Nicaragua route. If the Americans are
prepared to sink £40,000,000 in constructing a 35 feet
deep waterway across 183 miles of Central American
territory, and are further willing to build fifteen miles
of breakwater and dredge out the sea to that distance,
they will make us all their debtors, but it is extremely
improbable that they will ever reap any adequate finan-
cial return, and as for the advantages of the canal from
a naval point of view, the less said the better. Brit-
ish naval authorities, at any rate, are tolerably unan-
imous in believing that any admiral who would venture
in war time to risk any valuable vessel, let alone a
fleet, in the passage of such a canal as that of Nica-
ragua, would deserve to be court-martialed.

The moment the United States decide to cut the

226

The Nicaragua Canal

6"

canal, they must first of all negotiate for a ten mile
strip across the territory of Nicaragua and Costa
Rica so as to give them absolute control of five miles
on either side of the waterway. Then the American
naval authorities are insisting that it will be abso-
lutely necessary to occupy three or four naval stations,
from which their fleet could defend the safety of the
canal. The maintenance of these coaling-stations
ought to be debited to the working expenses of the
canal. The existence of the canal would probably
precipitate the conclusion of the negotiations which
are pending for the purchase of the Danish West
Indies, while other stations would be occupied in Almi-
rante Bay in Colombia, in the Gulf of Dulce in Costa
Rica, and one of the Galapagos Islands which are off
the coast of and belonging to Ecuador. From a finan-
cial point of view, the investment of £50,000,000, be-
cause such enterprises always cost much more than the
estimates, is endangered first by the possibility that some
one may construct the Panama Canal, and so offer a
short route from sea to sea, less than one-fourth of
the distance. This probability is, however, very re-
mote. If the Panama Canal has never been cut when
its constructors could count upon a monopoly, no one
is likely to sink money in it when it would have to
compete with the American Canal through Nicaragua.
Much more serious than the more or less shadowy
danger of the Panama Canal is the prospect that the
Tehuantepec Railway will carry the biggest ships
from sea to sea considerably cheaper and much more
rapidly. The construction of the Tehuantepec rail-

227

The Nicaragua Canal

to'

way is in the hands of a British contractor and it is
expected that it will be completed at a cost of five
millions — years before the Americans get half way
through with their Nicaragua Canal. To cut the
canal it will require two years' preliminary work, and
six years' hard digging. The Americans will be very
lucky if the first ship works its way through all the
locks on the Nicaragua route ten years from to-day
whereas the Tehuantepec line will be ready in two
years.

Sir Weetman Pearson has a lease of fifty years, so
if this forecast be correct, British enterprise has been
doing precisely what Canning boasted to have done
when he propounded the Monroe Doctrine, and estab-
lished British interests in Central America without in
any violating American susceptibilities.

The revolutionary disturbances which compelled the
United States to land marines for the purpose of
securing the Panama Railway from interruption were
an unpleasant reminder of the contingencies which
must be faced by those who go a-riding and a-sailing
through Central American Republics. Once the canal
is made there is little doubt that the whole of the ten
miles' strip will become part and parcel of the terri-
tory of the United States and will form a base from
which the authority of Uncle Sam will be extended
both east and west and north and south until the con-
trol, if not the actual annexation, of Nicaragua and
Costa Rica would be complete.

228

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Fifth

The Monroe Doctrine

What is the Monroe Doctrine? The best answer
is to be found in quoting the words which President
Monroe used in his message :

"We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable
relations existing between the United States and those
(European) powers to declare that we should con-
sider any attempt on their part to extend their system
to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our
peace and safety."

He added that such a procedure would be viewed as
"the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition to the
United States," and that it would not be looked upon
with indifference by them.

The doctrine was first suggested to President Mon-
roe by Mr. Canning. Canning himself would have
been considerably astonished had he seen the result of
his suggestion. He said that he regarded his recog-
nition of the Republics of Mexico and Colombia as an
act which would make a change in the face of the

229

Original Interpretation

world, almost as great as that of the discovery of the
continent now set free. He went on to say : —

"The Yankees will shout in triumph, but it is they who
lose most by our decision. The great danger of the time, a
danger which the policy of the European system would have
fostered, was a division of the world into European and
American, Republican and Monarchical, a league of wander-
ing Governments on the one hand, and developing and stirring
nations with the United States at their head on the other. We
slip in between, and plant ourselves in Mexico. The United
States have gotten the start of us in vain, and they link once
more America to Europe."

This linking of America to Europe was the one
thing which the Monroe Doctrine is now invoked in
order to render impossible.

The Monroe Doctrine primarily concerned South
and Central America. Its original justification was a
desire on the part of the Republican Government of
the United States to exclude from the New World the
despotic system that prevails on the Continent of
Europe. Hence its avowed motive when it was pro-
mulgated was anti-monarchical rather than anti-
European. It originated with Canning, and was
prompted by a horror of the Holy Alliance, which was
regarded both in England and America as a conspiracy
of despots against human liberty.

If Canning and Monroe, who may be regarded as the
joint -authors of the doctrine in its first promulgation,
had been cross-examined as to their motives, they
would have ridiculed the idea that the new policy had
any other motive than that of securing the New World
for free Governments and of confining despotism to the
Eastern Hemisphere. But in the formulation of the

230

Present Application

doctrine they were not careful to distinguish between
a despotic and a monarchical Power, and they used the
word European as a synonym for monarchical
despotism.

In that sense the Monroe Doctrine was proclaimed,
and in that sense it was always interpreted down to the
time of its great revival six years ago, at the time of
the Venezuelan dispute. Then the Americans, ignor-
ing the original objective of the doctrine, used it in
order to protest against an extension of British
dominion in South America. The British Empire
was a European Monarchy, and therefore technically
came under the ban of the Monroe Doctrine. Yet not
even Mr. Cleveland nor Mr. Olney would have ven-
tured seriously to assert that a British colony was less
free or less progressive than the half-breed Republic of
Venezuela or the dictatorial Republic of Mexico.

What Mr. W. D. Howells said on the subject would
have been admitted by all educated Americans, namely,
that the constitutional monarchies of England, Scan-
dinavia and Italy were in essence Republican, although
they still retained their monarchical trappings. It was,
therefore, a distinct abuse of the spirit of the doctrine
by using its letter for the purpose of forbidding an
extension of a British colony at the expense of a nom-
inal Republic.

This, however, is a purely academical point, because
there is no desire on the part of any Englishman to
annex any portion of South or Central America. In-
deed there is reason to believe that we are at the present
moment in negotiation for the transfer of our juris-

231

Roosevelt's Definition

diction over the Mosquito Indian to the Republic of
Nicaragua. But it is well to raise this point, in order
to show the process by which the Monroe Doctrine at-
tained its present development. The original motive
has disappeared. It is not in order to secure the West-
ern Hemisphere for free institutions that the doctrine
is maintained.

It is in order to exclude European States as Euro-
pean States, whether they be constitutional or mo-
narchical. The nature of their Governments has noth-
ing to do' with it, and a formula originally invented
to put limits upon the spread of despotism, is now in-
voked in the first place as a measure of self-protection
for the United States of America ; in the second, in
order to exclude Europe from America. This may
be right, or it may be wrong. It is not the original
doctrine.

President Roosevelt's inaugural message supplied
the world with a clear, explicit and authoritative ex-
position of what the Americans mean when they speak
of the Monroe Doctrine. The passage is so important
that it is well to quote it in full.

"This doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the
foreign policy of all nations of the two Americas. It
is in no wise intended to be hostile to any nation of
the Old World, and still less is it intended to give cover
to any aggression by one of the New World at the ex-
pense of another. It is simply a long step towards
assuring the universal peace of the world by securing
the possibility of permanent peace in this hemisphere.

"During the century other influences have established

232

Roosevelt's Definition

a permanence of independence among the smaller
States of Europe, through a doctrine, and we hope to
be able to safeguard like independence and secure like
permanence for the lesser States among the New-
World nations. The doctrine has nothing to do with
the commercial relations of any American Power, save,
in truth, that it allows each to form such as it desires,
It is really a guarantee of the commercial independence
of the Americans.

"We do not ask under the doctrine any exclusive
commercial dealings with any other American State ;
we do not guarantee any State against punishment for
misconduct, provided the punishment does not take
the form of the acquisition of territory by any non-
American Power ; and we have not the slightest desire
to secure any territory from our neighbors. We wish
to work with them hand in hand, so that all of us may
get lifted up together. We rejoice over the good for-
tune of any of them, and gladly hail their material
prosperity and political stability, and are concerned
and alarmed if any fall into industrial or political
chaos. We do not wish to see any Old World military
Power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled
to become a military Power ourselves.

"The peoples of the Americas can prosper best if left
to work out their own salvation in their own way.
The work of building up the navy must steadily con-
tinue. All we want is peace, and towards this end we
wish to be able to secure the same respect for our
rights from others which we are eager and anxious
to extend to their rights in return. To insure fair

233

Political and Commercial

treatment of the United States commercially, and to
guarantee the safety of the American people, our
people intend to insist upon the Monroe Doctrine as
the one sure means of securing peace in the Western
Hemisphere. The navy offers the only means of mak-
ing our 'insistence upon the doctrine anything but a
subject of derision to whatever nation chooses to dis-
regard it. We desire the peace which comes as of
right to the just man armed, not the peace granted on
terms of ignominy to a craven and weakling."

This is definite, both in what it affirms and what it
denies. But it is well to note that the President has
put his foot down definitely upon the assumption that
the Monroe Doctrine has anything to do with com-
merce beyond allowing each American State to make
what commercial treaties it chooses. We do not ask,
he says, for any exclusive commercial dealings with
any American State. But only a fortnight before the
President laid down the law in this positive fashion,
General James H. Wilson, addressing the American
Free Trade League, gave the Monroe Doctrine an
extension which he put forward as a plea for Free
Trade, but which could be used in a very different
sense by American Protectionists. General Wilson
said : —

"Inasmuch as under the Monroe Doctrine we have as-
sumed the burden of protecting the neighboring states from
foreign aggression, the question naturally arises : Why should
we not try to get some commercial advantage from theni
which, while it may make them richer and stronger, would in
a measure compensate us for our trouble and expense? They
are clearly under the American hegemony, and if the Monroe

234

Overlordship not Intended

Doctrine is to be maintained, they are clearly within the
American system of public law. That is, our national will
must prevail in all cases where we choose to assert it, if we
are strong enough to enforce it, and we are pledged to en-
force it in all cases where European governments seriously
encroach upon the territorial integrity or the sovereignty of
any American State.

"Under this aspect of our relations with them, why should
the United States not say frankly to all the States of North
America, at least, we will agree to absolute and reciprocal
free trade in natural and manufactured products, between our
country and all its dependencies, wherever situated, on the one
hand, and all the immediately neighboring countries on the
other, under a uniform tariff to be agreed upon by the parties
to the arrangement, and to be carried into effect as against
all other countries?"

He admitted that it would prejudicially effect
European trade, especially the trade of Great Britain
with the Dominion of Canada. He further looked for-
ward to an extension of the same principle to all the
South American Republics. This, it must be ad-
mitted, has nothing to do with the Monroe Doctrine
pure and simple. I only note it by the way as indica-
tive of a tendency to give that doctrine an expansion
which it does not properly possess, and to note that
President Roosevelt has rigidly confined it to the
political area.

It is also noteworthy that the President expressly
repudiates the theory which some of his friends have
expressed in very vigorous terms that the United
States should undertake the responsibility of exercising
general overlordship over the foreign policy of the
Central and South American States. The passage in
his message, which will be read with most interest in
Germany, is that in which he said that the United
States do not guarantee any State against punishment

235

Dominance Without Territory

for misconduct, provided that the punishment does not
take the form of the acquisition of territory by any
non-American Power.

From this it follows that if any South American
State should find itself involved in a quarrel with any
European Power, the United States has now repudiated
in advance any right under the Monroe Doctrine to
protect such American State from European attack.
If Germany, for instance, had a grievance against
Venezuela which she maintained rendered it necessary
for her to inflict punishment upon that republic, the
American Government could not, in face of President
Roosevelt's declaration, raise any objection if the
German Fleet escorted a German Army Corps across
the Atlantic, if the Army Corps were landed upon
Venezuelan territory, occupied the capital, and im-
posed any terms by the will of the conqueror upon the
conquered, so long as the Germans did not stipulate
for the acquisition of territory by Germany.

But it is not necessary to acquire territory in order
to establish non-American ascendancy in the country
in which the punitive expeditions of unlimited severity
and duration are permitted by the United States.
Americans are perfectly well aware of the precedent
of Egypt. Germany could not possibly make more
emphatic protests as to her intention to evacuate South
American territory than Mr. Gladstone made as to our
determination to withdraw our garrison from the Nile
delta

What is more, Mr. Gladstone made his declarations
in perfect good faith, and intended to carry out his
pledges. But nearly twenty years have elapsed since,

236

A Punitive Expedition

with the battle of Tel-el-Kebir, the control of Egypt
passed into the hands of Great Britain. England has
not annexed a square yard of territory in Egypt, but
from that day to this the will of England has been law
in Cairo and Alexandria.

What is to hinder the Germans improving upon the
English precedents? They can accept with both
hands the interdict upon the acquisition of territory.
All they would need to do would be to impose upon
the offending state a sufficiently heavy financial pen-
alty, and to insist upon occupying certain points of
vantage until the money was paid, or at least until a
government should be established in the country with
sufficient solidity to satisfy them that they would not
have their punitive expedition to do over again as soon
as the last man of the expeditionary force was em-
barked upon the German transports.

It is not surprising that President Roosevelt should
endeavor to repudiate any responsibility to shield the
Southern and Central American Republics from pun-
ishment for misbehavior, because any attempt to pre-
vent the European Powers from avenging their own
wrongs would have entailed upon the American Gov-
ernment the effective exercise of the duties of Lord
Chief Justice of the Western Hemisphere which Mr.
Olney claimed, but which no American statesman is
prepared to exercise.

If the Monroe Doctrine is really to be enforced in
spirit as well as in letter, and the European Powers
are to be forbidden to establish themselves in South
America, the United States will have to reconsider its
policy and prepare to shoulder the burden of answer-

237

One Way Out

ing for the maintenance of international law through-
out the whole of the American Continent. They may
hope to evade it, and the occasion may not arise for
some time to come. But by leaving the door open for
punitive expeditions to be conducted at the discretion
of each and all of the European Powers, President
Roosevelt has given the Kaiser the opening which he
needs if he really cares to take advantage of it.

I have said that President Roosevelt felt that he was
compelled to concede to European Powers the right
to punish South American Republics as the only al-
ternative to the assumption by the United States of
the functions of the Chief Justiceship of the world.
It is probable, however, that the Americans will dis-
cover a via media, which will enable them to avoid the
obvious dangers resulting from European punitive
expeditions directed against South and Central Amer-
ican States, and the assumption of the office of an in-
ternational sheriff who undertakes the duty of en-
forcing respect for law throughout the whole of that
vast expanse of territory.

What is there to hinder the United States of Amer-
ica from laying down the law that, whenever any
European State has a grievance against any South
American Republic, it shall not be free to redress its
alleged wrong until it has submitted the whole ques-
tion to an International Tribunal of Arbitration, whose
award the United States Government will undertake,
with the aid of the other American States, to enforce?
This would certainly minimize the evils which are in-
herent in both the courses, which are at present re-
garded as the only alternatives. Arbitration would

238

Olney's Declaration

in nine cases out of ten lead to an amicable settlement
of a quarrel, and in the tenth case the United States
would not stand alone in enforcing respect for the tri-
bunals which the recalcitrant State first invoked, and
then rejected.

Certainly some such solution is urgently to be de-
sired. Italy and Germany regard the vast half-
peopled South American Continent as the natural
Hinterland for the overflow of their population. Dis-
putes are inevitable, and prescient statesmen would do
well to provide in advance for their amicable settle-
ment ; and the advantages of a system which would
forbid all punitive expeditions across the Atlantic
which would not entail the assumption of any onerous
responsibilities on the part of the United States will
naturally commend itself more and more to the sober
common-sense of the American people.

When Mr. Olney, President Cleveland's Secretary
of State, claimed for the United States that it was
"practically sovereign on this Continent, and its fiat is
law upon the subjects to which it confines its inter-
position," he startled the Old World a little, but he
scared the New World much more. For while none
of the European Powers, with the somewhat dubious
exception of Germany, have any aspirations after terri-
tory in the Western Hemisphere, there is not a govern-
ment in Southern or Central America that does not re-
gard with undisguised alarm the claim of the big
brother with a big stick way up in the North to exer-
cise lordship or dominion over them.

Recognizing the existence of this feeling of alarm,
Mr. Secretary Hay, in his speech to the New York

239

The Menace of War

Chamber of Commerce, made the following declaration
with a view to allaying- the uneasiness which undoubt-
edly prevails as to the possible consequences of the
Monroe Doctrine, as interpreted and extended by Mr.
Olney's declaration: "I think I may say that our sister
Republics in the South are perfectly convinced of the
sincerity of our attitude. They know we desire the
prosperity of each and peace and harmony among them.
We no more want their territory than we covet the
mountains of the moon. We are grieved and dis-
tressed when there are differences among them, but
even then we should never think of trying to compose
those differences unless by the request of the parties
thereto. We owe them all the consideration which we
claim for ourselves. To the critics of various climates
who have other views of our purposes, we can only
wish fuller information and quieter consciences."

Notwithstanding Mr. Hay's assurance, it seems to
outsiders that the instinct of the South American
governments it perfectly sound. The Monroe Doc-
trine demands as its necessary logical corollary the
assumption by the United States of the right and the
power to compel the other American States to refrain
from actions which would give European Powers a
legitimate casus belli. If European Powers are
left to their own resources when face to face with
Southern or Central American Republics, they will of
necessity follow the time-honored path.

They will send first a man-of-war, then a squadron,
they will declare war, despatch troops and do their best
to seize the enemy's capital. Of course they may do
all this, and if when they conclude peace they evacuate

,240

American Suzerainty

the occupied territory and make no attempt to annex
American soil, the Monroe Doctrine will be left intact.
But the risk is very great, that if a European Power
once establishes its troops as conquerors in a position
of vantage on the American Continent, it will be very
difficult to turn them out without actual menace of
war.

Not only so, but the experience of the United States
in Cuba is sufficient to show how easy it is to establish
political paramountcy over a territory without annexa-
tion. The Monroe Doctrine says nothing about para-
mountcy. It relates solely to the extension of terri-
torial possessions. If, therefore, President Roose-
velt is anxious to keep Europe out of America he will
be driven either by mediation, friendly offices, or by
downright intervention to prevent disputes between
European and American States ever coming to blows.

That in the long run will practically mean that all the
Central and South American Republics, while nomi-
nally sovereign international States, are really subject
to the suzerainty of Uncle Sam, and all serious diplo-
matic business will be settled at Washington. It may
be very good for the South American States thus to
have the most difficult and delicate diplomatic questions
taken out of their hands. The case of Venezuela offers
an excellent illustration of the advantage which such
States occasionally reap from the timely intervention
of the big brother from the North, but they do not
like it all the same. The small powers dread the
great State which is so strong that the fear of man is
never before its eyes and which is so supremely con-
scious of its own absolute rectitude that even when it

24J

Union Unnatural

makes war it is calmly confident that it is acting as
the Vicegerent of the Almighty. So keen is this dis-
trust that a very well informed American assured me
this year that England never made a greater mistake in
her own interest when she refused to settle the Alaskan
difficulty by arbitration, because the American Govern-
ment had stipulated that the umpire must be an Amer-
ican. "If," said my friend, who was a lawyer, de-
servedly much esteemed in the highest Governmental
circles, "if I were pleading before such a Court I
should have addressed myself solely to winning over
one of the English judges. It would have been hope-
less to make any South or Central American judge
admit anything in favor of the United States. Eng-
land would have had the umpire's decision in her
pocket before the case opened, and have it every
time." The existence of such a sentiment of distrust
is more likely than anything else to provoke action on
the part of the Washington Government that will pre-
cipitate the extension of the authority of the United
States over the whole Western Hemisphere.

If Mr. Olney's claim for his country to be Lord
Chief Justice of the Western Hemisphere excited some
protest, it was nothing to the indignation provoked by
his frank intimation that in the opinion of the Amer-
ican nation it is "unnatural" that any European State
should possess territory in the Western Hemisphere.

Mr. Olney said : "That distance and three thousand
miles of intervening ocean make any permanent polit-
ical union between a European and an American State
unnatural and inexpedient will hardly be denied."

Lord Salisbury denied it at once. But since then

242

i

European Possessions

Spain has been deprived of her American possessions
by war, while Denmark is currently reported to have
sold her West Indian Islands to the United States for
a little more than three-quarters of a million pounds
sterling.

The following are the American territories still re-
maining under European flags : —

Country.

Denmark :
Greenland

France :

St. Pierre )

Miquelon \

Guadaloupe

Martinique

St. Bartholomew.

French Guiana

Great Britain :

Canada

Newfoundland

Labrador

Bermuda

British Honduras

Jamaica

Trinidad

Barbadoes

Bahamas

Eleven other West Indian Is- /

lands or groups j

British Guiana

Netherlands :

St. Martin /

Curacao I

Dutch Guiana

Area,
Square miles.

34>OI5

go

Population,

IO,5l6

5.QS3

721

165,154

381

175,863

8

2,898

30,000

25,796

3.315,647

4,832,679

40,200

193,121

120,000

4,211

19

15.743

8,291

27,668

4,i92

639,491

1,754

198,747

166

182,206

4,466

49,500

1,500

250,000

109,000

287,981

227

29,729

46,000

74,132

243

Of Concern to England

From this list it appears that, excluding the posses-
sions of Great Britain, the only foothold the European
Powers have on the American Continent are in Guiana
and in Greenland. Greenland does not matter as it
is a wilderness of ice and snow.

All that Europe holds on the mainland is limited to
Surinam and Cayenne, a stretch of territory covering
76,000 square miles, on which only 100,000 persons
can find a living. So far, therefore, as serving notice
to quit upon Europeans may be regarded as serious, it
concerns England, and England alone.

It is not likely that England, with whom the Mon-
roe Doctrine first originated, will do anything calcu-
lated to bring down the wrath of President Roosevelt
on her head. So long as we do not attempt to extend
our territory in the Western Hemisphere, we may
take it that no objection will be taken — pace Mr. Olney
— to our maintaining the territorial status quo. Beati
possidentes.

So far so good, but we can hardly acquiesce without
at least a passing protest against the assumption so
constantly made by the citizens of the United States,
that no one is an American excepting those resident
within the frontiers of the Republic. Canadians are
every whit as much Americans as their neighbors south
of the St. Lawrence. Nor can Great Britain agree
to the demand that they shall forfeit any of the inher-
ent rights which they possess as Americans because
for reasons of their own they prefer to remain in con-
nection with the British Empire.

At the same time we are bound to admit that what-

244

No Coaling Stations

ever exception we may take to Mr. Olney's doctrine
as to the permanent union between Great Britain and
her American colonies being unnatural and inexpedi-
ent, there is at least considerable probability that our
Colonists themselves may come to be of his way of
thinking. To say this is not in any way to endorse
the views of Professor Goldwin Smith, who has this
autumn repeated once more his oft-stated conviction
that the majority of the Canadians desire to throw in
their destinies with the United States. It is merely
to register the conclusions arrived at after a cool, dis-
passionate survey of the forces which are in action
within and without the Canadian Dominion.

It would seem that the acquisition by any European
power of a coaling-station would be resisted as stren-
uously as the conquest of a tract of territory on the
mainland. That this is no exaggeration is shown by
the hubbub that was raised quite recently by the an-
nouncement that a German steamship company wished
to acquire a coaling-station off the coast of Venezuela ;
a hubbub which only subsided on the formal and em-
phatic disclaimer by the German Ambassador at Wash-
ington that no such acquisition was contemplated by
the German Government. On hearing this declaration
we are told that President Roosevelt expressed his
great satisfaction. The incident is regarded as finally
closing the door upon the acquisition of any coaling-
station by a foreign Power in any part of the Western
Hemisphere.

By a further process of extension, the Monroe Doc-
trine is held to forbid the transfer of any territory

245

The Danish West Indies

now held by a European Power to any other European
Power. The Danes, for instance, have three small
islands in the West Indies, which are no use to them,
and which the United States are believed to be willing
to buy. The Danes would be only too delighted to
exchange the islands in the West Indies if, instead of
selling to the United States, they could do a deal with
the German Empire, and hand over their West Indian
Islands in exchange for North Schleswig, in which
several hundred thousand Danes groan under the dom-
ination of Germany.

Although it has never been officially stated, it is per-
fectly well understood that the United States would
object to any transfer of the Danish possessions to the
German Empire. There is no probability of the Ger-
mans being willing to exchange North Schleswig for
the West Indian Islands; but they would probably be
very glad to acquire these islands by outbidding the
Americans in the matter of purchase-money. The
Monroe Doctrine, however, deprives Denmark of an
open market. She can only sell to the United States,
if she sells at all.

Even without any direct effort on the part of the
United States effectively to assert the overlordship
claimed by Mr. Olney, there is no State in South
America which does not regard the possible develop-
ment of American designs with ill-concealed suspicion
and alarm. It was this motive which prompted the
assembly last year at Madrid of a congress of rep-
resentatives of the Latin States of America for the
purpose of endeavoring to re-establish the influence of

246

EUROPE AND AMERICA COMPARED.

■/ l#3 Nftpl* R A £'"

'Coma|agua,.'!",r' \fi,

SALVADOR;''"1'^

if i

IIar-AGU^i^

^pyapal\§,j2B

\ 'k!;-;".:-v.>v

» %>, .",-,■ '; <[> -;.,;;. ■'■■v. ■■ , J.'V^

t-~— *

CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE RIVAL CANALS.

Pan-American Arbitration

Spain, which had been badly shaken by the Cuban war.

If there is one thing which would dispose any of the
South American States to accept a German Alliance, it
would be for the purpose of rendering absolutely
impossible the establishment of a protectorate on the
part of the United States. This road, therefore, be-
ing closed, North Americans are diligently setting
themselves to ward off the danger of European inter-
vention by the other road that is open to them,
namely, by the establishment of the system of arbitra-
tion which would minimize the dangers of internecine
war between the South American Republics them-
selves, and establish a system by which difficulties with
foreign Powers might be settled without an appeal to
the last dread arbitrament of war.

For this purpose for the last twenty years it has been
a fixed object of American policy to promote what may
be called a Pan-American system of Arbitration, of
which the Congress which assembled in November in
the capital of Mexico is the latest and most conspic-
uous sign.

247

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Sixth

On International Arbitration

In discussing the influence which the Americans
have exercised upon the world at large, reference
must be made to the one great international question
in which they have uniformly been a potent force in
favor of the cause of progress and civilization. I
refer to the question of international arbitration.

The principle of settling disputes between Sovereign
States by reference to a judicial or arbitral tribunal
formed the very foundation of the American Consti-
tution. The fact that from the Atlantic to the Pacific,
from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico, there are
to be found no frontiers bristling with cannon, no
standing armies to defend the millions of the forty-
two standing sovereign States banded together in
Federal union, is due to the Fathers of the Republic
having created, as the very corner-stone of their
union, a Supreme Court of Justice, authorized to ad-
judicate uoon all questions in dispute between any of
the federating States.

248

The First Arbitration

Accustomed from the very birth of the Republic
to the spectacle of State differences being adjudi-
cated upon not by the bloody arbitrament of war,
but by the judicial decision of a supreme tribunal,
the Americans naturally attempted to create some
tribunal competent to settle amicably disputes be-
tween other nations.

The principles of the Constitution of the United
States have become part of the atmosphere of the
American citizen. He may try to get outside it, but
he seldom succeeds ; and consciously or uncon-
sciously he perpetually suggests the application of
the principles of that Constitution to the solution of
almost all the difficulties which arise in the outside
world. Hence it was natural that the movement in
favor of international arbitration should have found
in the American people intelligent and enthusiastic
support.

As Great Britain was the power with which the
United States came into most immediate contact,
and therefore developed most points of friction, it
was equally natural that the principle of arbitration
should have been first brought into active operation for
the settlement of disputes between the United States
and Great Britain.

The first arbitration between the two countries
took place in 1816, when a dispute arose about the
St. Croix River, and the Lake boundaries. A few
years later a question arising out of the Treaty of
Ghent was referred to the arbitration of the Emperor
of Russia.

249

Following the Example

In 1827 a question about the northeastern bound-
ary of the United States was referred to the arbitra-
tion of the King of the Netherlands. In 1853 a dis-
pute about some liberated slaves was settled by ar-
bitration, and in 1863 a difference that arose between
the Hudson's Bay and the Puget Sound Company was
also settled in the same way.

The great arbitration, however, which constitutes
a landmark in the history of the two countries, was
that by which the Alabama claims under the Treaty
of Washington of 1871 were referred to the Geneva
Tribunal. In the same year the disputed San Juan
boundary was referred to the arbitration of the Ger-
man Emperor, and a further dispute about the Nova
Scotia fishery was also settled amicably.

In 1 89 1 the question of the seal fisheries in the
Bering Sea was referred to a Court of Arbitration in
Paris, and the long list of Anglo-American arbitra-
tions was closed by that which settled the disputed
boundary between the British Empire and the Republic
of Venezuela in 1899. No other two nations in the
world have had so many arbitrations as Great Britain
and the United States.

The English-speaking States have not been content
with endeavoring to influence the world by the force
of their example. They committed themselves
nearly thirty years ago to an active support of the
principle, as will be seen by the text of the following
resolution which was passed by both Houses of Con-
gress in the year 1874: —

250

Carnegie's Attitude

"Resolved by the House of Representatives, that the
President of the United States is hereby authorized and re-
quested to negotiate with all civilized Powers who may be
willing to enter into such negotiation for the establishment
of an international system, whereby matters in dispute be-
tween different Governments agreeing thereto may be ad-
justed by Arbitration, and if possible without recourse to
war."

In 1890, Congress again in both branches of the
Legislature passed the following resolution : —

"That the President be and is hereby requested to invite,
from time to time, as fit occasions may arise, negotiations
with any Government with which the United States has, or
may have, diplomatic relations, to the end that any differ-
ences or disputes arising between the two Governments which
cannot be adjusted by diplomatic agency, may be referred to
Arbitration, and be peaceably adjusted by such means."

In 1895 Senator Sherman introduced a bill for the
purpose of enabling the President to give effect to the
resolution of 1890 by authorizing him to conduct
negotiations through the regular diplomatic agents
of the United States, or at his discretion to appoint
a commission to visit the Governments of other
countries for the purpose of entering into negotia-
tions in order to create an international arbitration
tribunal or other means by which disputes may be
amicably settled and war averted.

When the Venezuelan dispute arose, President
Cleveland evoked a storm of enthusiastic approval
by formulating his demand for arbitration. Mr. Car-
negie, the most peaceful of men, declared that arbitra-
tion was the one thing in the world for which he was
willing to fight. Air. Olney laid down the law that

25i

The Treaty That Failed

war was condemnable as a relic of barbarism and a
crime in itself, and there was only one possible way
of determining the question, namely, by peaceful
arbitration.

The American demand thus enthusiastically sup-
ported by the American people compelled Lord Salis-
bury to abandon his position. Then an attempt was
made to create a permanent treaty of arbitration be-
tween the two States, but unfortunately nothing has
yet been done to give effect to the wishes that were
thus expressed.

In 1890 the official representatives of seventeen
American Republics assembled at Washington and
passed the following resolution, which was subse-
quently accepted by sixteen of the Republics, includ-
ing Brazil : —

''The Republics of North, Central, and South America
hereby adopt Arbitration as a principle of American Inter-
national Law, for the settlement of all differences, disputes,
or controversies that may arise between them concerning
diplomatic and consular privileges, boundaries, territories,
indemnities, right of navigation, and the validity, construc-
tion, and enforcement of treaties, and in all other cases,
whatever their origin, nature or occasion, except only those
which in the judgment of any of the nations involved in the
controversy may imperil its independence."

Three years previously the Central American States
made a treaty by which five Governments solemnly
promised, in case of disagreement between them,
whatever the motives, to submit the same to arbitra-
tion.

The first international treaty providing for arbitra-

252

Getting Germany Aboard

tion in all cases was made between the United States
and Honduras.

Up to the year 1895 tne Government of the United
States had entered into forty-seven agreements for
referring matters to arbitration. It was not, how-
ever, until the Peace Conference at the Hague that the
principles of pacific arbitration had an opportunity of
getting into practical effect. There was from the first
a kind of friendly rivalry between Lord Pauncefote
and the American Delegation as to which could most
effectually promote the establishment of a Permanent
International Tribunal. Honors were divided.

At the Hague Lord Pauncefote led, but America
scored by the mission of Mr. Holls to Berlin which
brought Germany into line. Mr. Holls went to Ber-
lin for the purpose of extricating Germany from a
position which would have left her isolated. In inter-
views with the Imperial Chancellor and the Foreign
Minister, he was able to convince the statesmen of Ger-
many that whatever attitude the German delegates
chose to take up, the principle of an International
Tribunal of Arbitration would be adopted by the Con-
ference, and that Germany had only the alternative
of standing in with all the great civilized Powers or
of taking up a position with no backer or supporter
save the Sultan.

The German Government was convinced by his
representations that the train was going to start any-
how, and not caring to be left forlorn on the plat-
form, followed the example of the others, and the

253

Getting Germany Aboard

Convention was unanimously approved by all the
Powers.

A record so honorable, lasting over a whole cen-
tury, and culminating in the greatest International
Parliament which met in the capital of Holland, is
one of which every American citizen has good reason
to be proud.

254

The Americanization
of the World

Part Three

How America Americanizes

Chapter First

Religion

The impulse which drove the earlier discoverers
across the Atlantic in search of the Golden Indies was
not entirely mercenary. In the Fifteenth Century, as in
the Nineteenth, there is visible a curious blend of
avarice and religion. In our times, the missionary
has usually preceded the filibuster, but in the Spanish
conquest of America the filibusters took the initiative.

And no sooner had the Spanish and Genoese adven-
turers discovered the existence of a new world beyond
the seas than the Church of Rome hastened to exploit
the discovery by the despatch of missionaries of the
Cross, who were accommodated with free passages on
board the barks which bore the freebooters of the Old
World to their destined prey.

The map is still shown in Rome in which the Pope

255

Gospel of the Sword

solemnly divided up the New World between Spain
and Portugal, two nations which, both being devotedly
Catholic, accepted the papal delimitation as the voice
of the Oracle of God. Destinies, however, were less
obedient, and to-day when the visitor at the museum
of the College de Propaganda Fide surveys the map he
indulges in melancholy reflections upon the vanity of
human expectations as he remembers that not over
even one single islet of that New World now floats
the Spanish or Portuguese flag.

If the Old World imposed its faith at the sword's
point on the aboriginal populations of Central and
Southern America, Northern America has not failed
to confer similar benefits upon the Old World, al-
though by a very different method of propaganda.
Prescott has given us in his story of the conquest of
Peru a curious picture of the methods pursued by the
pious pirates who conquered the kingdom of the
Incas.

The unfortunate Peruvians who were captured by
the Spaniards were given the choice of conversion to
Christianity or death. It is not to be wondered at that
multitudes accepted the faith thus imposed at the point
of the sword ; but, if the early chronicle may be be-
lieved, their conversion was attended with even less
than the usual modicum of intelligent conviction. To
expound the Christian mysteries on the stricken field,
while the soil is still fresh with new-spilled blood, is
apt to be a somewhat summary process, but it has sel-
dom been so grotesque a burlesque as that which was
enacted in Peru.

256

Gospel of the Sword

The Spanish conquerors were ignorant of the lan-
guage of their captives, and, had perforce, to depend
upon the services of stray interpreters whose intellects
were unfamiliar with the subtleties of the Athanasian
Creed. Hence, when the Peruvian was summoned
to profess his faith in the Christian religion and its
fundamental dogma of the Trinity, he was told by the
interpreter that he was required to declare that there
were three Gods and one God, and that made four
Gods ; and on assenting to this arithmetical proposi-
tion he was incontinently baptized and admitted as a
true believer within the pale of the Christian Church.

Such were the primitive methods of Pizarro and
many a less famous Spaniard who preached the gospel
with the sword only four centuries ago. The unfortu-
nate millions of the peaceful aborigines whom the
Spaniards ground to death by enforced labor were
graciously vouchsafed the alternative of heaven be-
yond the grave in compensation for the very real hell
on this earth into which they were plunged by the
Spanish conquest.

For the time being, no doubt, the triumph of Spain
and of Rome seemed complete. To this day, from
Northern Mexico to Tierra del Fuego, the Roman faith
reigns supreme. It was in the South American con-
tinent that the Jesuits found an opportunity for realiz-
ing their political and religious ideals, and at this
moment it is in the States of Colombia where the dis-
possessed friars from the Philippines are rinding their
warmest welcome. Southern and Central America
have been, since their conquest, veritable States of the

257

The Church a Reproach

Church. But churches, like individuals, are often
cursed with the burden of a granted prayer.

The religion of Rome thus forced upon the south-
ern half of the Western Hemisphere has been singu-
larly devoid of vitalizing power. It would be difficult
to specify a single religious movement originating in
Southern America or to name a single eminent man or
woman that the Southern or Central American States
have produced who has exerted any influence upon the
religious life of the world. To this day the state of
South America is one of the scandals of the Catholic
Church. After a period of dominance, during which
priest and Jesuit reigned with unchallenged sway, the
forces of revolt asserted themselves with violence ; the
Jesuits were expelled, and South American free-
thinkers gave ample proof, by their anti-clerical legis-
lation, that Gambetta's watchword — "Le clericalisme
—volla Vennemi!" — could be as inspiriting a rallying
cry in the New World as in the Old.

But the fierce passions engendered by the conflict
between the forces of orthodoxy and of unbelief failed
to purify the Church. The morality of many of the
priests in South America left so much to be desired
that there was a great deal of talk some years ago at
the Vatican of the necessity for such an exercise of the
Pope's authority as would suspend for a time the en-
forced celibacy of the clergy, which in South America
had produced, not chastity, but almost universal con-
cubinage. Instead of being a glory, the South Ameri-
can Church has become the scandal and the reproach
of Catholic Christendom.

258

Religion a Colonizing Factor

Far otherwise was it with the northern half of the
Western Hemisphere. Here the religions impulse was
the most potent factor in the colonization of the coun-
try. The gold mines of California were happily un-
known in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.
The Johannesburg of the New World lay in the South,
and thither hastened all the adventurers and gold-
seekers, the early prototypes of the Outlanders of the
Rand.

The United States of America and Canada were to
the conqitistadorcs as unattractive as were the pastoral
regions of the high veldt in the Transvaal to Messrs.
Werner, Beit, and Eckstein. They left these North
lands to those who, like the primitive Boer, trekked
into the wilderness in search, not of gold, but of
liberty. Hence, while South America was colonized
by the devotees of Mammon, North America was
opened up by stern idealists, who fled from the city
of destruction of the Old World to the virgin wilder-
ness in which they hoped to rear on eternal founda-
tions the city of their God.

It is true that the earliest colonists, those who went
out with Raleigh to Virginia, were not of as lofty a
type. They were more like our colonists of the pres-
ent day, who were tempted by prospects of carving out
■estates for themselves and founding a family in the
rich tobacco-producing regions that lay south of the
Potomac. They were first in the field ; in social posi-
tion they were probably superior to the men of the
Mayiiozver; but after three centuries, during which
mankind has had an opportunity of observing the com-

259

The Early Colonists

parative potency of the different elements when dis-
tilled in the alembic of history, we see many things
which were hidden from the eyes of our forefathers
in the Seventeenth Century.

When Byron visited the dungeon of Torquato Tasso,
he contrasted in glowing verse the difference between
the Duke, who in his palace signed the decree that
flung the poet into jail, and the captives of his will.

Thou! formed to eat, and be despised and die,
Even as the beasts perish, save that thou
Hadst a more splendid trough, and wider sty.
He ! with a glory round his furrowed brow,
Which emanated then and dazzles now.

There is something of the same contrast between
the affluent and luxurious descendants of the Cavaliers
who peopled the Southern States and the grim, stern
men who settled on "the wild New England shore."
The Southerners had the wealth and the ease, the
fertile field and the radiant sun ; but the shaping of the
destinies of the continent lay, not in their hands,
but in those of the despised fanatics of the North,
proscribed fugitives fleeing in slight cockle-shells
across the Atlantic to escape the persecuting zeal of
prelate and of King.

The impulse which drove the men of the Mayflower
across the sea was primarily religious ; secondly, politi-
cal. It was to a very slight extent economical or
financial. At the time the movement seemed compar-
atively insignificant. To the Sovereigns and states-
men of the Old World what did it matter that a colony

260

A Fateful Exodus

or two of pinched fanatics should establish themselves
on the western shore of the Atlantic? But to-day
every one realizes that it was an exodus as fateful in
its influence upon the history of mankind as the Ex-
odus of the Chosen People through the Wilderness to
the Promised Land.

The last century also witnessed a somewhat simi-
lar exodus, which may yet be as potent in the making
and unmaking of empires. The trek of the Dutch
Boers northward across the Vaal seemed even less
significant than the landing of the Puritans at Plym-
outh Rock ; but to-day it seems not impossible that
as the one led to the founding of the greatest Repub-
lic on earth, so the other may lead to the shattering
of militarism throughout the world.

But it would be grossly unjust to regard the Puri-
tans of New England as the only element which re-
ligious enthusiasm has contributed to the creation of
the American Commonwealth. The Roman Catholics
who colonized Maryland were also to a large extent
exiles for conscience' sake. The propagandist efforts
of the Roman Church in North America differed toto
coelo from the brutal fashion in which the work of
proselytism was carried on in the South.

The Jesuits, who were at once missionaries and
explorers of the type of Livingstone, were the pioneers
of European colonization both in Canada and along
the Mississippi. On the Pacific coast it was the fathers
of the various religious orders who were the only
pioneers of Christian civilization in the Far West,

261

Americanized Religion

until the Argonauts of 1849 broke in rudely upon their
pastoral simplicity. As it was in the beginning, so it
has remained ever since. The two continents of the
New World have been divided between the principle
of Authority and the principle of Liberty. The Ameri-
can Commonwealth from its very birth asserted with
unmistakable emphasis, as inalienable and fundamental
rights of mankind, liberty of conscience and liberty of
religion.

In matters of religion the indirect influence of
America upon the world has probably been more po-
tent than any direct effect produced by American
teachers or American preachers, although, as I shall
proceed to show, the influence of the latter has been
by no means insignificant. It was the citizens of the
United States who supplied the world for a century
and more with a great object-lesson as to the possi-
bility of the maintenance of religion without the in-
tervention of State churches and without the penal
enactments of intolerant legislatures.

To a Europe, hide-bound with the old tradition that
there could be no religion unless the State established
and endowed some form of religious creed, the United
States presented the spectacle of a great Christian com-
munity, in which the rites of religion were as regu-
larly performed and where the spirit of real religion
was • at least as visibly potent in the fruitful works of
righteousness as in any community where the Church
was privileged to strut abroad bedizened in all the
gorgeous livery of State. That potent influence is
still working in the Old World to-day.
262

Americanized Religion

&*

The example of the United States has been a far
more potent dissolvent of the Old World ideas as to
the necessity for an inseparable union between Church
and State than all the activities of the Liberationist
Society. Cavour's formula of a Free Church in a Free
State was not uttered till more than two centuries
after the same ideal had been formally accepted as the
basis of the American Commonwealth. In a world
in which men can still find themselves in high office
bravely confronting the Twentieth Century with the
ecclesiastical conceptions of the Middle Ages, the ex-
ample of America streams like the radiance of the ris-
ing sun across the dark and misty world.

Apart from this all-pervading, subtle, indirect in-
fluence of the American ideas as to Church and State,
and liberty of conscience, not even the most cursory
observer can overlook the direct influence which Amer-
ican religious life and religious thought has had upon
large sections of the English-speaking people in Great
Britain, and in the Greater Britain beyond the seas.
It is natural that it should be so, because at least one-
half of the English-speaking people is ecclesiastically
much more in sympathy with the Americans than with
the Anglicans.

The Anglican Church in England is the church of
an influential, cultured, richly endowed, socially ar-
rogant sect. It is a thing apart, as distinct from the
life of the race as the House of Lords cr the monarchy.
Neither monarchy, House of Lords, nor Established
Church reproduce themselves beyond the seas. An
Episcopal Church, no doubt, that is ecclesiastically

263

Religious Influences

affiliated with the Anglican Church, exists in all the
Colonies and the United States, but it is nowhere
established and endowed, its clergy are never inocu-
lated with the virus of social ascendancy, and although
in some the evil leaven of sacerdotalism works, it is in
a very attenuated form.

The Nonconformists of this country are spiritually
and ecclesiastically in much more vital union with the
American Churches than they are with the Anglican
establishment. This is especially true of the Inde-
pendents and Baptists, the Unitarians, and, to a less
but still to a very real extent, of the Presbyterians.
As for the Methodists, who had no share in the glori-
ous traditions of the founding of New England, they
have increased and multiplied so much in the United
States as to outnumber the Methodists in the old
country, so that Methodism may be regarded as the
most Americanized of all the religious sects. In an
(Ecumenical Council of Methodism, if the representa-
tion were adjusted to numbers, the American Metho-
dists would outnumber those of all the rest of the
world. The Nonconformist and the Methodist, who
axe conventionally regarded by the Established clergy
as aliens to the Commonwealth of Israel, who are re-
minded at every turn that they are pariahs not worthy
to sit at table with the Brahmins of the Establishment,
find themselves at home in the wider and freer area of
the American Commonwealth. The Congregation-
alists. Baptists, Unitarians, and Presbyterians are
solidaires with the Puritans and their descendants.
The Methodists in all their divisions are equally soli-

264

Religious Influences

'daires with the Methodist Episcopal Church. They
interchange pulpits, they use the same books of devo-
tion; above all, they sing the same hymns. When-
ever a great stone is flung into the lake of American
or British religious life, the ripple is never arrested
by the Atlantic. The ever-changing circles extend
without a break from continent to continent.

To the man in the street, who may be presumed to
belong to no religious organization, these ties, eccle-
siastical or denominational, as you may please to call
them, may seem of small importance. But to most
Methodists, and to very many Nonconformists, their
denomination appeals much more frequently and more
deeply than the national organization of the country
to which they belong. Politics which appeal to the
patriotic sentiment of an Englishman, make only an
occasional demand upon his active service. If he votes
at a local election once a year, and at a general elec-
tion once in five, and if he pays his rates and taxes,
that often represents the maximum of the service
which is claimed by the State from the citizen.

His chapel is much more exacting. It is always with
him. Twice on Sunday, at least, it summons him to the
worship of God in some stated public service. But
this is merely a fragment of the demands which it
makes upon him. He must attend prayer-meeting,
class-meeting, teach in the Sunday-school, distribute
tracts, take part in cottage-meetings, do his share of
local preaching, and, in short, give up no small portion
of his leisure to the discharge of his religious duties.
While his church or chapel is always with him, de-

265

Religious Influences

manding voluntary exertion and taking continuous
collections, the service demanded by the State is inter-
mittent and comparatively insignificant. Hence soli-
darity based upon the identity of religious belief is often
a far more real and vital thing than the solidarity that
springs from the inhabiting of the same country.

It is otherwise, of course, in time of war. When the
country is invaded, the sentiment of patriotism is su-
preme. But the English-speaking race at the present
time does not know what it is to be invaded. The im-
mense majority of men who speak the English tongue
have never heard a shot fired in anger. Hence the idea
of the country as a living entity, demanding imperi-
ously the sacrifice of life and fortune in its service,
has never dawned upon many minds. But to the re-
ligious man and religious woman the warfare with the
forces of evil never ceases. The Church is the army
of the living God, always mobilized for action. Nat-
urally the thought of her members turns far more
upon the chapel or the church than upon the State.

To those who have been brought up in the sectarian
seclusion of the Anglican cult, it is difficult to realize
the extent to which American books, American preach-
ers, American hymnody, mould the lives of the Free
Churchmen of this country. If I may be pardoned
an autobiographical reminiscence, I may say that there
rises vividly before my mind's eye the bookshelves of
my father's study in the days when I was a small boy
in a Congregational Manse on Tyne-side. In the post
of honor, formidable and forbidding to me, at least,
stood the stately volumes which contained the writ-

266

Religious Influences

ings of Jonathan Edwards, the stern teacher of New-
England, who represented Calvinism in all its grim
austerity.

On another shelf stood the works of Channing, the
Unitarian, whose loving spirit hardly condoned for
the offence of his Unitarian heresy. There was Barnes'
well-thumbed commentary upon the New Testament,
side by side with Baxter and Matthew Henry, and other
Puritan divines. Of Jeremy Taylor and Barrow and
South, and the classic writers and preachers of An-
glicanism, there was no trace. Chalmers and Guth-
rie represented the Presbyterianism of Scotland, but
among modern preachers the works of Henry Ward
Beecher were the most conspicuous, although Spur-
geon came after him, cum longo intervallo. It may be
admitted that it was but a meagre theological outfit,
although there may be some doubts whether many of
my more cultured readers, who sneer superciliously at
the narrow range of the Independent minister's book-
shelves, have read as many theological works as the
few which I have just named.

My point, however, is not the dimensions of my
father's library, but to show how teachers and preach-
ers of New England of the Puritan Commonwealth
stood side by side, and were held in equal honor as
supplying the spiritual pabulum for a Nonconformist
household. I have some reason to think that my ex-
perience was not exceptional, and to this day I am
inclined to believe that, if the rank and file of Free
Churchmen read theology or sermons at all, it will
be found that their reading is chiefly confined to the

267

Religious Movements

authors who represent the Puritan Commonwealth, the
Wesleyan Revival, and the religious life of the Amer-
icans. Hence, it is not surprising that the religious
public in the three Kingdoms have been singularly sus-
ceptible to the religious influences coming from be-
yond the Atlantic.

Looking over the religious movements of the last cen-
tury in the English-speaking world there are five dis-
tinctly discernible. Of these five only one is of Eng-
lish origin. The Tractarian movement of the Middle
Century was distinctively Anglican, but beyond a cer-
tain stimulus given to the sensuous exercise of divine
worship its influence was strictly confined within the
limits of its own sect. The other four movements
have been much wider in their sweep. The first and
most persistent has been Revivalism. This was dis-
tinctly American in its origin.

No doubt, there have been revivals or, as Catholics
would say, missions, in all ages of the Church ; but the
systematized revival, the deliberate organization of re-
ligious services for the express purpose of rousing
the latent moral enthusiasm of mankind, is a distinctly
American product of last century. Wesley and Whit-
field may have sown its seed, but it grew up across the
Atlantic. Revivalism flourished in the United States
long, before it was acclimatized on this side of the
water. In Professor Finney, of Oberlin College, Re-
vivalism found its expositor and its mouthpiece, and,
as a direct result of his teaching, we have the Salva-
tion Army, which is simply Revivalism organized

268

Revivalism

on a permanent basis, and put under quasi military
discipline.

It is easy to sneer at Revivalism, but it has been the
means by which hundreds and thousands of men and
women have found their way to a higher and purer
life. The Revivalist may seem often rude, uncul-
tured, even vulgar, but in his untutored eloquence mil-
lions of men have heard for the first time the echoes
of the Divine voice that spoke on Sinai, while the peni-
tent form and the enquiry-room have been to many a
sin-stricken soul the ante-chamber of heaven. In this
practical work-a-day world men affect great admira-
tion for those who do things, as opposed Lo the men
who talk about them. But Revivalism has done things
which the more cultured and refined would not even
have ventured to attempt.

Nor is it only one form of Revivalism which has
come to us from the United States ; there has been
a long list of Revivalists whose services were greatly
welcomed both in England and in the States. Of these
the best known were Moody and Sankey. Moody in
speech, and Sankey in song, exercised a wider influ-
ence than any other two men upon the British people
in the latter half of last century. Sankey's hymns still
hold the first place in thousands of places of worship
throughout the British Empire. They are sung much
more constantly, and by a much greater number of
people, than any other songs, with the one exception
of the National Anthem.

The second great contribution which America has
made to the religious life of the world is one, the full

269

Spiritualism

significance of which is appreciated by few. The
strange, mysterious phenomena of Spiritualism first
began to be noticed at what are known as the Hydes-
ville rappings in about the middle of the century. But
it was not until D. D. Home began to develop his me-,
diumship about the time when England was welter-
ing in the bloody morass of the Crimean War, that
the outside world recognized the dawning of a new
force in the world.

D. D. Home, like Mr. Carnegie, was born in Scot-
land, but he crossed the Atlantic when nine years of
age, and did not return to his native land until he had
been thoroughly Americanized.

Of his mediumship and his extraordinary mission-
ary tour throughout the Courts and capitals of Europe,
it is not necessary to do more than make mention. The
majority abused him as a charlatan. Robert Brown-
ing ridiculed him as "Sludge the Medium;" but his
wife, much more spiritually gifted than he, recognized
the reality of the phenomena which held out to man-
kind the promise of the possibility of communication
with those who had passed beyond the veil.

This is not the occasion for discussing the value of
the contribution which Spiritualism has made, or rather
the promise which it holds out of making, to the solu-
tion of the great problem — if a man die, shall he live
again? but it is sufficient to mention two facts. One
was the saying of Lord Brougham, "that even in the
most cloudless skies of scepticism, I see a rain-cloud, if
it be no bigger than a man's hand. It is modern Spirit-
ualism." The other is the fact that many of the most

270

Spiritualism

eminent of modern scientists, men of the standing of
Sir William Crookes, Professor Alfred Russel Wal-
lace, and Camille Flammarion, have publicly asserted
their belief in the reality of the phenomena commonly
called spiritistic ; and that the late Mr. Mayers, after
devoting a quarter of a century to a painstaking scien-
tific investigation of psychical phenomena, arrived
before his death at the firm conviction that the per-
sistence of the personality, after the dissolution of the
body, was capable of scientific demonstration.

For my own part, I can only say that I entertain
no firmer conviction than that this doctrine is as the
stone which the builders rejected, which has become
the headstone of the corner. When the persistence of
the soul after the dissolution of the body has been
found to be as capable of scientific verification as any
other fact in nature, it will constitute a political, social,
and moral revolution of unspeakable magnitude.

The next movement of religious origin which has
influenced the world was the combination of tem-
perance enthusiasm with the recognition of the right
of women to full citizenship. It would be too much to
claim that the temperance movement had its origin in
the United States, but it undoubtedly has drawn no
small portion of its strength from New England. The
State of Maine has long occupied a prominent posi-
tion as a Prohibition State, and the Maine Liquor Law
has for fifty years been the object of the despairing
admiration of prohibitionists in Great Britain and in
the Colonies. The movement for the emancipation of
women did not originate in the United States. Mary

27J

Woman's Suffrage

Wollstoneeraft may fairly be regarded as the prophet-
ess of her sex. But it was not until the Americans
took up the question seriously that the question of the
enfranchisement of women came within the pale of
practical politics. To this day it is only in some of the
States of the American Union, and quite recently in
Australia and New Zealand, that the right of women
to full citizenship has been fully recognized.

The two movements may be said to have been com-
bined in the Women's Christian Temperance Union,*
which had its centre in Chicago, with Miss Willard
as its inspiring spirit. The Women's Christian
Temperance Union is one of the world-wide organi-
zations which took their rise in America, and have
since established branches in every part of the Eng-
lish-speaking world. Its direct influence in compel-
ling women at once to realize their responsibility and to
recognize their capacity to serve the State in the pro-
motion of all that tends to preserve the purity and
sanctity of the home, has been by no means one of the
least contributions which America has made to the
betterment of the world.

The fourth movement, which beginning in America,
has Americanized every English-speaking land, is the
Christian Endeavor movement. The Christian En-
deavor movement is the latest born but one of the most
thriving illustrations of the enthusiasm of ' humanity
organized under Christian auspices. It was first

*The Woman's Christian Temperance Union has now half
a million members, 300,000 of whom are' in the United States,
100,000 in Great Britain. _ There are fifty-eight countries
and colonies represented in the Union.

272

The Christian Endeavor

founded in the State of Maine by the Rev. Francis E.
Clark. It has since encircled the world with a chain
of associated societies, all of which are organized on
the same general principles for the attainment of the
same beneficent end.*

The Christian Endeavor movement appeals prima-
rily to the young, which is in itself a distinctively Amer-
ican characteristic ; it asserts the absolute equality of
the sexes, the binding obligation of the moral law upon
man and woman alike ; it inculcates temperance, and —
therein differing from many distinctively Evangelical
movements — it asserts in the strongest terms the duty
of its members to try to purify public life, and to use
the power of the State to help on good work.

These are living and growing organizations, for the
like of which we look in vain in any similar societies
founded in the same period in the United Kingdom.
In all these four there is no pretension that Americans
are being Anglicized.

Apart, however, from these distinct movements,
which are not dependent for their existence on any
English organizations, there is another very potent
spiritual influence profoundly affecting the religious
life of millions, which has been exercised by certain
notable Americans, whom it is sufficient to mention.
Among those who have contributed to broaden the
religious outlook of the English-speaking world, are

* The Women's figures are quoted from the latest returns
published by the Christian Endeavor Union. Number of
Christian Endeavor Societies in iooi. 61,605, with a total mem-
bership of 3,695,280. Of these societies 43,848 are " Young
People's," and 16,195 "Juniors."

273

Father Hecker

Charming, Emerson, and Theodore Parker and James
Russell Lowell, who embodied in verse the trans-
cendental philosophy which Emerson crystallized in his
essays. Next to them, although nearer to the pale
of the orthodox church, was the brilliant orator and
catholic-minded philanthropist, Henry Ward Beecher.
Still further removed from orthodoxy, but still dis-
tinct forces in the religious life of our race, were
thinkers like James Fiske, Dr. Draper and Mr. A. D.
White.

It would be impossible to close this imperfect and
cursory survey of the religious influence which Amer-
ica and the Americans have brought to bear upon the
religious life of the world, without at least a parting-
tribute to the memory of Father Hecker. The United
States of America, being predominantly Protestant,
has influenced most directly those parts of the world
which have broken loose from the papal dominion.
It is the glory of Father Hecker that he succeeded,
to a large extent, in infusing a spirit of healthy
Americanism into the life of the Church of Rome.
The forces of reaction, it is true, have triumphed for
a time, and the doctrines of Americanism lie under
the ban of the Vatican, but the work which Father
Hecker did, and the principles which he taught, still
continue to bear fruit.

The Roman Catholics of America, like loyal sons
of the Church, have bowed submissively to their
teacher's decree. But the present century will not
be much older before Rome will again find its base
washed by the rising tide of the American spirit. It

274

Father Hecker

is probable that the Pope, whoever he may be, will
again pronounce his condemnation. But when the
tide rises for a third time, the supreme Pontiff will
recognize that the principles of Americanism are part
and parcel of the sacred deposit of truth which it is
the duty of the Church sedulously to preserve and
to disseminate among the nations of the earth.

275

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Second

Literature and Journalism

Till comparatively recent years it was the fashion
to deny that America had produced any literature.
Not a quarter of a century since supercilious British
culture disdained even to know of the existence of
such a person as Mark Twain, and this hauteur on
our side was encouraged by a humility on the other
'side which does not entirely accord with our con-
ception of the American character. In his "Fable
for Critics," James Russell Lowell makes one author
say : —

"His American puffs he will willingly burn all.
To gain but a kick from a transmarine journal."

Down to the middle of the century and later, Amer-
ican literature was largely a reflex of English litera-
ture. The influence of the new environment had not
materially affected the character of the transplanted
stock.

But all that has now disappeared. American litera-
ture, like the American Constitution, is a thing which,
while it bears ample evidence of the parent from which
276

Influence of American Writers

it sprang, is nevertheless distinct, original, and inde-
pendent. The old, almost pathetic humility, with
which American writers listened to the criticisms of
Europe, has disappeared.

The American is rapidly becoming as self-assertive
in literature as he has long been in other departments
of human activity, and in proportion as he becomes
self-conscious and self-reliant we may expect to find
him exercising increasing influence on the literature
of the world.

This is no place for a critical estimate of American
literature as such. I am merely concerned in noting
the influence which American writers have had upon
the world outside America, and especially the Mother
Country. Even in the first half of the century Amer-
icans were still largely under the influence of English
tradition ; they produced many writers whose works
constituted no small addition to the common stock of
the literature of the English-speaking race.

Books which are never read outside the American
Union may indirectly have affected human thought by
the extent to which they inspired foreign writers ; but
the direct influence of American books on the non-
American world can best be gauged by the American
books which the non-Americans read. This reduces
the examination of the influence of American litera-
ture to an inquiry in the first instance, at least, as to
what American authors were read in Europe.

The Americans being pre-eminently politicians,
much of their genius for political expression found
vent in political oratory; but the oratory of politicians

277

Benjamin Franklin

needs no Chinese wall or prohibition tariff to confine
its consumption within the country of origin. The
fathers of the American Constitution, the statesmen
and political thinkers and judges who moulded its
early development, are practically unknown to the
ordinary European.

Educated Englishmen, and some politicians inter-
ested in the working of the federal principle, have read
the books which form the political Scriptures of the
American politicians ; but, speaking broadly, we get
their influence second-hand through Tocqueville and
Mr. Bryce.

The influence of religion was hardly second to that
of politics in the New England States, and the pulpit
for many years divided with the forum the articulate
genius of America. But I have already touched upon
the influence of America on the religious life of the
world, and in this chapter I will deal more distinctly
with their contributions to literature in the shape of
printed books.

The first American whose writings were widely cir-
culated in this country, and who exercised a percepti-
ble although slight influence upon English thought,
was Benjamin Franklin. He has gone out of vogue
in the last thirty years, but in the first half of the cen-
tury the proverbial wisdom of "Poor Richard's Al-
manac" was familiar in many English households.
Franklin was a much greater name to our grand-
fathers than he is to-day ", it is possible that after a
period of comparative obscurity his reputation may
revive throughout the English-speaking world.

278

The New England School

De Tocqueville did more to make American political
thought a potent influence in Europe than any native
writers. The first Americans to be extensively read
in this country were the group of New Englanders
who made Boston the literary centre of the New-
World. Foremost among these was Emerson, whose
essays are probably read to-day in England more than
those of any English writer.

His "English Traits" figures in the list of almost
every popular series of reprints, and his stiletto-like
sentences continue to administer subcutaneous injec-
tions of transcendental philosophy to the somewhat
adipose tissue of John Bull. Emerson may be re-
garded as the literary and philosophical flower which
blossomed on the somewhat thorny stem of seven gen-
erations of Puritan preachers from whom he was
descended. The roots of him were buried deep in the
granite of Calvinistic Puritanism, but the growth of
two centuries culminated in the evolution of the
mystical piety and poetical philosophy of the Sage of
Concord.

The ethical fruit of centuries of Puritan preach-
ings, and the stern discipline of the New England
Christianity, are minted into a kind of universal cur-
rency in the winged words and pregnant apothegms
of Emerson. On our library shelves he stands among
the first five essayists who are read everywhere to-day
— Montaigne, Bacon, Addison, Lamb, Emerson. Of
these five, Emerson, so far as the general reader is
concerned, is probably first or second.

After Emerson, Longfellow was the American

279

American Poets

author most appreciated by the English-speaking
world. It is probable that to this day by the million
he is the best known poet of the nineteenth century,
if we exclude the poets who were born at the close of
the eighteenth century, and who blossomed into song
in the first decade. If we were to attempt to estimate
quantitatively the infusion of poetry which has been
administered by the poets of England and America to
the English-speaking man, it would probably be found
'"hat he had absorbed a larger dose of Longfellow than
if any poet of the old country.

Taking the English-speaking world, even outside
the United States of America, it is probable that there
are ten persons who are more or less acquainted with
Longfellow for one who has read Tennyson, and a
hundred have read Longfellow for one who has read
Swinburne.

It is the fashion to say that Longfellow was not
American. His culture was distinctly European,
and the tendency of his verse bears no relation to the
American spirit as we understand it to-day. There
is in it none of the hustle and the bustle and the in-
tense strain of nervous irritability which distinguish
the modern American type ; but in estimating the in-
fluence of America upon the world it is well to remem-
ber that the mild singer of the "Psalm of Life,"
"The Village Blacksmith," "Excelsior," and a score of
similar poems which have passed into the common
stock of the poetic thought of the common people, was
by birth an American.

The only other American poet, until we come to

280

English Appreciation

Whitman — who revolted against the European tradi-
tion— whose influence can be named beside that of
Longfellow, was James Russell Lowell. Lowell, in-
deed, may be said to have succeeded Longfellow, and
to a certain extent to have superseded him in direct
influence upon the English masses.

Although three-fourths of his "Biglow Papers"
are seldom read, the remaining quarter has passed
into the common stock of our thought. For years
Lowell was only known by his "Biglow Papers," and
it was not until the later sixties that his merit as a
serious poet began slowly to gain recognition. It was
not until the nineties that the English public woke up
to realize the ethical value and political inspiration
of his serious verse. When popular feeling is
deeply stirred, and in times of strain and of crisis it
is rare indeed to attend an English political meeting,
or even hear a pulpit utterance in the more advanced
churches, in which you do not hear one or more quo-
tations from James Russell Lowell.

He has been, and is, a subtle power, making always
for liberty, for charity, for righteousness. Of all
the influences by which America has affected, and is
affecting, the English-speaking race, that of Lowell
is one of the most valuable. Whittier, John Bright's
favorite poet, has gained in popularity of late years.
But he does not attain to the vogue of Longfellow
and Lowell.

In the world of fiction America has produced two
writers, each of whom has written one book that pro-
foundly influenced the non-American world. One

28J

American Fiction

was a man, the other a woman. The man was Na-
thaniel Hawthorne, and his one book was "The Scar-
let Letter." The Woman was Mrs. Harriet Beecher
Stowe, and her one book was "Uncle Tom's Cabin."

Both Hawthorne and Mrs. Stowe wrote many other
novels, which were read with admiration when they
appeared, and may be still read with advantage ; but
although much of Hawthorne's work is still widely
read, none of his works, nor all of them put together,
have produced so deep an impression as his "Scarlet
Letter."

As the years pass, its influence has increased rather
than diminished, and it remains at this day one of the
first, if not the first, novel of its kind in the English
language for its brevity, its pathos, and its force.
Against a vast background of dimly remembered
novels of passion and of penitence, it stands out as
distinct as did the Scarlet Letter upon the bosom of
Hester Prynne.

Mrs. Stowe's "LTncle Tom's Cabin" was famous
as the first American work which had literally a world-
wide audience. Mrs. Stowe was fortunate in her sub-
ject, fortunate in the moment when she published her
book, and specially fortunate in the spirit with which
she handled her story. When you read "Uncle Tom's
Cabin" to-day the artlessness about its art makes you
sometimes marvel that a book so slight should have
produced so immense an effect.

But the book came as a revelation, not merely of
the realities of slavery in the Southern States, but of
the existence of a high and noble humanity under the

282

A Book That Stirred the World

skin of the colored man. Englishmen for a couple of
generations had been taught to sympathize with the
negro. The propaganda of our early abolitionists
forms one of the finest chapters in the history of
the early years of the nineteenth century ; but our
grandfathers cared for the negro very much as
the anti-vivisectionists care for the dogs and rabbits
who are subjected to the torture of the physiological
laboratory.

If we could imagine some sympathetic genius who
could suddenly make the tortured rabbit of the vivi-
sector speak like a human being, and we could see its
heart palpitate with all the noble emotions of the par-
■ ent and the saint, the effect would be somewhat anal-
ogous to that which was produced by the sudden ap-
parition of Uncle Tom. The white world had never
before realized the essential humanity of the negro.
It was admitted as an abstract proposition that he was
a human being, but that he was actually a fellow-
creature with the same passions as ours, that he lived
and loved and sorrowed and died even as we, and
that in his heart throbbed the same tumultuous eddies
of emotion as those which we experience was a truth
which it was reserved to Mrs. Stowe to discover and
to make the universal possession of mankind.

Her book sped like wildfire throughout the whole
reading world. The printing-presses toiled in vain
to keep up with the demand for copies of "Uncle
Tom's Cabin," while translators in every country in
Europe exhausted their ingenuity to invent foreign
equivalents for the quaint lingo of the Southern planta-

283

A Book That Stirred the World

tions. Negro slavery in Southern vStates was swept
away by the tremendous besom of the Civil War, but
"Uncle Tom's Cabin" continues to be read through-
out the world, and dramatized versions still continue
to attract audiences in English theatres.

To this day, if you take a million white-skinned
men, women, and children, you will find a larger per-
centage who are familiar with Uncle Tom, Legree,
Topsy and Eva, than are acquainted with the names
of any American presidents, with the exception
of Washington and Lincoln, or any American
men of letters without any exception whatever. To
the mass of Europeans of the latter half of last cen-
tury, Mrs. Stowe was the only interpreter of Amer-
ican life whom they knew and in whom they believed.
By her book, whatever may be said of its merits or
demerits, she undoubtedly contributed not a little to
swell the tide of sympathy and compassion, even with
the most forlorn and degraded of the human race, a
tide which alas, to-day, seems somewhat on the ebb.

Even in the most rapid survey of Americans who
have exercised literary influence outside America, due
honor must be paid to the weird, fantastic, and some-
what morbid genius of Edgar Allan Poe. His influ-
ence may be traced in many directions, and the note
which he sounded — original, distinct, and lonesome,
has waked many echoes.

An American author who had great vogue in the
middle of the century, but whose novels are hardly
looked at to-day, was J. Fenimore Cooper, whose "Last
of the Mohicans," and other Indian stories, were the de-

284

Men of Potent Originality

light of our boyhood. His turn may come again, but
for the moment he is no longer in demand.

Washington Irving, an earlier writer of more varied
range, has always commanded a public. He did much
to familiarize Americans with English life, and his
"Rip van Winkle" has added an imperishable figure
to the Elysian fields in which dwell the immortals of
modern romance.

Of the American historians, Parkman and Ban-
croft have exercised but little influence outside the
United States. Prescott and Motley rendered yeo-
men's service in popularizing history, and their works
at once took the place among the foremost historians
of the world. Motley to-day is as popular as Ma-
caulay, and is quite as widely read. He may be
counted as one of those who contributed to enlighten
the more thoughtful Englishmen as to the real sig-
nificance of the struggle which is raging in South
Africa.

Coming down to more recent times, Walt Whitman
may be regarded as the first American who, with bar-
baric yawp, startled the Old World by a message of
defiance and revolt. Whitman aspired to be the
Washington of literature, to break the fetters of old
tradition, to which all American poets before him had
tamely submitted, and to found a new school of
American poetry, which was to be without form, but
gravid with the new message of the New World.

Whitman, a born revolutionist, began by revolution-
izing the laws of metre, and constructed poems, the
like of which had never before been printed in English

285

American Humorists

characters. He was not so successful as Washington,
but he won for himself a recognized place among the
poets of our time, and enlarged the area and the
method of poetic expression. Edward Carpenter in
this country has followed in his steps, but Whitman's
influence has been much wider than that of his actual
imitators and disciples. He was a breezy, healthy,
virile influence in modern literature.

One of the most distinctive contributions which
America has made to the literature of the world, is
that of humor, a department in which the Americans
have left their English kinsmen far behind. He who
contributes to the mirth of the world makes humanity
his debtor, and the American humorists have put the
English-speaking world under heavy obligation.
Their export is balanced by no corresponding import,
for in the world of letters, unlike that of commerce,
there is no necessary reciprocity.

From the days of Sam Slick down to those of Mr.
Dooley, there has been an unfailing succession of
American humorists whose writings have done much
to drive dull care away in many millions of homes.
Sam Slick, with his "Wise Saws and Modern In-
stances," is not an American of the United States, for
he hailed from the province now included in the
Canadian Dominion ; but he was distinctively Amer-
ican, and it was he who made Britain acquainted with
the peculiar note of American mirth.

After him there have been humorists of all kinds,
from the literary humorist, like the genial Autocrat
of the Breakfast-table, down to the latest arrival, the

286

American Humorists

Irish-American humorist who has familiarized the
world with the dialect and the philosophy of the
Chicago saloon. Artemus Ward, at one time in the
ascendant, has been eclipsed by Mark Twain, who is
facile prince ps among the American writers of to-day.
There is no American author whose works to-day are
as widely read and translated into so many languages
as those of Mr. Samuel Clemens. Whether grave or
gay, he can always command a world-wide public.
In the colonies, he is as popular as in the Old Country,
and such of his humor as is translatable is current in
every European country.

The Board of Trade statistics take no account of the
product of humor; but mankind which loves laughter
feels much more grateful to the owners of the rare
gift which enables them to tickle the midriff with
printed words than to all its philosophers. America
has exported, and continues to export in ever-increas-
ing quantities, pills and drugs of all kinds ; but a
merry heart doeth good like a medicine, and Mark
Twain has probably done more to make men happy
and healthy and wise than all the artificers of patent
medicines who contribute so liberally to the advertis-
ing revenue of newspapers and magazines.

Uncle Remus, with his inimitable Brer Rabbit
stories, has contributed a distinct and welcome novelty
to the humorous literature of the world. It is an
extraordinary instance of the way in which genuine
humor can triumph over difficulties of dialect, so that
the public will acquire the dialect in order the better
to appreciate the humor.

287

Influence of the Modern Novelist

Mr. Harris has achieved such success with his
version of the stories which Uncle Remus told to the
little boy, that at this moment Brer Rabbit, Brer Fox,
Brer Terrapin, to mention only three of his menagerie
of favorites, are much better known and much more
appreciated outside America than all the American
politicians who have won fame and glory for them-
selves in the annals of the United States.

It is too early to estimate the effect of the modern
American novelist upon English literature, but W.
D. Howells, F. Marion Crawford, and Henry James
are among the authors who appeal to the whole
English-speaking world. They are not only read by
the million, but their style has influenced and is influ-
encing more and more the new school of British
novelists.

In estimating the influence which Americans have
exercised by the use of the printed book, it is im-
possible to overlook the immediate and world-wide
influence that was wielded by Henry George. In the
portrait gallery of notables of the nineteenth century,
which has just been published by the Berlin Photo-
graphic Company, Henry George occupies a dis-
tinguished place as one of the Americans of inter-
national fame. His book on "Progress and Poverty"
was one of the late products of the century. It had
considerable difficulty in finding a publisher in the
land of its birth: but it was no sooner born into the
world than it was hailed by multitudes in every part
of the British Empire and also on the Continent of
Europe as a veritable gospel of these latter days.

288

Value of American Influence

America, which represents the triumph of indi-
vidualism pushed to an extreme, has also produced
in these latter days some of the books which have most
powerfully re-acted against individualism. Bellamy's
"Looking Backward" is perhaps the most conspicu-
ous instance of a book without any particular literary
merit which, nevertheless, commanded at once uni-
versal circulation, owing to the fact that it portrayed
in story form a realized dream of the modern Social-
ist. Sheldon's books, equally devoid of any literary
charm, commanded readers literally by the million,
owing to the promise which they held out of better
things to come. The American Idealist and Socialist
who will have the genius to express with literary
charm his idealistic visions of a Socialist millennium
will sweep in triumph through the world.

In closing this very imperfect survey of the influ-
ence of American books on the non-American world,
one thing is obvious.. The influence of American
literature has been distinctly good. What there is of
evil in it has been consumed at home. The broad
Atlantic has acted as a potent antiseptic, which has
killed noxious germs and only left that which is
healthy, helpful, and human to reach our shores.
American humor has contributed much to the gaiety
of the world, and American poetry has been both re-
fining and inspiring in its influence on the masses of
our people.

The influence of American Socialists, from the days
of Brook Farm down to the speculations of Mr. H.
D. Lloyd, have all tended in the right direction in

289

American Journalism

widening the somewhat narrow and circumscribed
horizon which is indicated by the phrase "the range
of practical politics." The influence of Henry George
is very marked in New Zealand and in the Australian
Colonies, where it has probably produced much more
direct results in legislation than in the country which
gave it birth.

American journalism is a much more distinctive
product than American literature. The American
newspaper, thanks to the absence of paper duties and
of advertisement taxes, became popular long before
the English newspaper. Fifty years ago every Amer-
ican was reading a daily newspaper, whereas in
England not one man in ten could afford the luxury.
Hence, the popular journalism of the new country is
really older than the popular journalism of the old.

The cheap press with us is only forty years old.
In America it is at least twice that age. The Amer-
ican newspaper from the first was racy of the soil, was
close to its constituency, and represented far more
faithfully than its English contemporaries the aspira-
tions, the ideas, and the prejudices of the masses of the
people. These characteristics it has preserved to this
day.

The American newspaper is the mirror of the life
of the American people. It partakes of all their char-
acteristics, their virtues, and the vices of their virtues.
It is as huge as the continent in which it is produced,
and it is often as crude as the half-settled territories
over which the American people sprawl. It is the
fashion among English people, especially among those

290

Superior in Quantity and Quality

who know nothing about it, to sneer at American
newspapers; but take them altogether, the American
newspaper is distinctly ahead of its English contem-
poraries.

To begin with, there is more of it, more news, more
advertisements, more paper, more print. Life would
be impossible in America to any American if he had
to read the whole of his newspaper; but just as the
people have wide and varied tastes, and the interests
of the whole community have to be catered for, every-
thing goes in, and no reader is expected to do more
than assimilate just such portion of the mammoth
sheet as meets his taste. Hence the busiest people in
the world, who have less time for deliberate reading
than any race, buy regularly morning and evening
more printed matter than would fill a New Testament,
and on Sundays would consider themselves defrauded
if they did not have a bale of printed matter delivered
at their doors almost equal in bulk to a family Bible.

They do not read it all, any more than a cow eats
all the grass of the meadow into which she is turned
loose to graze. They browse over it, picking here
and there such a tasty herbage as may suit their pal-
ates. In this way a newspaper comes to be almost like
a Gazetteer or an Encyclopaedia. No one sits down
and reads a dictionary from end to end. He dips into
it. So Americans dip into their papers for what they
want. Unfortunately newspapers, unlike dictionaries,
are incapable of alphabetical classification. Hence
arises the tendency which offends so many English

29J

Time Saving Methods

readers, of exaggerated headings or scare-heads, as
they are called in the slang of the profession.

The readers of the Times, which rarely ventures
upon a double heading, excepting on the outbreak of
a war or the overturning of a dynasty, are unspeakably
offended by finding the ordinary news set out with
half-a-dozen head-lines with staring capitals. But
these headlines are almost indispensable as a guide to
the contents of the paper, and as a corrective of the
excessive smallness of the type in which American
papers are printed. A man hurrying to business in a
tramcar or railway can read the scare-heads without
straining his eyesight, and by running his eyes along
the tops of the columns, obtains not only a very fair
idea of the contents of the paper, but also discovers
what particular column it is necessary for him to read.

The scare-head is like the display in the show win-
dow in which the tradesman sets out his wares. The
art of window-dressing is beginning to be acclimatized
among us, and so is the art of scare-heading. Com-
paratively few .English journalists have appreciated
the fact that good journalism consists much more in
the proper labelling and displaying of your goods
than in the writing of leading articles. The intrinsic
value of news is a quality which does not depend upon
the editor, but the method of display and the setting
of the diamond is that which affords scope for the
editorial art.

American journalism, as compared with that of
Great Britain, is more enterprising, more energetic,
more extravagant, and more unscrupulous. The

292

The Interview

staider traditions of English newspapers restrain even
the most reckless of pressmen within narrower limits
than the broad field in which many American journal-
ists are permitted to wander.

The interview was a distinctively American inven-
tion, which has been acclimatized in this country, al-
though with odd limitations. The Times, for in-
stance, will never publish an interview with any person
if it takes place on British soil, but if the same person
is interviewed by one of its foreign correspondents
and the interview is sent over the wires, it appears
without question.

American newspapers differ endlessly.* There are
some that are almost as staid, not to say stodgy, as
any paper published in Great Britain. There are
others that go to the furthest extreme of vulgar sen-
sationalism ; but setting one off against the other, the
American newspaper is much more varied in its con-
tents than the journals of the Old World. They have
more space, and they take much greater pains to serve
up their news in a vivid, interesting manner.

* I very much dislike overloading my pages with statistics,
and prefer, when possible, to relegate unreadable columns of
figures to a foot-note. The following figures, extracted from
the United States Treasury Department's Report on the
progress of the United States and its material industries,
are too suggestive to be omitted.

1870. 1900.

Population 38,558.371 A 76,303.387

Salaries paid in Public Schools... $37,832,566 $128,662,880

Newspapers and Periodicals 5,871 2}'Uo

Post-Offices in existence 28,492 76,668

Receipts of Post-Office Department. $10,772,221 $102,354,579

Telegraph messages sent 0.157.646 79,696,227

Railways in operation (miles) 52,922 190,883

293

The Interview

No doubt, American journalism has the faults of
its qualities, and the perpetual straining after im-
mediate effect is often indulged in with disastrous
results to what an English journalist would regard
as consistency and decorum. Whatever ministers
most effectively to the mood of the moment is supplied
hot and strong from the press, and if the mood of the
moment changes, then the subject is dropped incon-
tinently, as if it were a hot potato.

There is nothing better in journalism than a good
interview conscientiously reported by a capable jour-
nalist, but there is nothing worse than many of the
abominable perversions and inventions which are often
served up under that head. To make a story, to
secure a "beat" of news, almost any manoeuvre is re-
garded as legitimate, with the result that in some
papers the value of an interview is as much depreci-
ated as were the assignats in the critical times of the
French Revolution.

Almost all the best dailies in America devote con-
siderable space to illustrations and caricatures, while
some of them in their Sunday editions produce colored
supplements for the amusement of children with which
we have nothing to compare.

The British Empire is sadly lacking in capable cari-
caturists. Since Sir John Tenniel retired, Mr. Gould
is first of British caricaturists, and there are some on
the staff of Punch who are worthy of the Tenniel tra-
dition. Mr. Furniss is still with us, but has fallen far
below the level of his best days. Mr. Ben. Gough is
the most capable caricaturist whom Canada has pro-

294

Caricaturists

duced, while the artists of the Sydney Bulletin and
the Melbourne Punch produce work which is cer-
tainly not deficient in force and point.

But there are many more American caricaturists of
the first rank than the British. Judge and Puck have
the advantage of producing their cartoons in color, but
the men on Life, to say nothing of those on the Journal
and the World of New York, and the North American
of Philadelphia, can be relied upon to turn out good
work almost every day. One of the most capable
cartoonists of the United States, is Mr. Bart of the
Minneapolis Journal, while in Mr. P. J. Carter the
Minneapolis Times possesses a very smart craftsman,
Minneapolis having much more than its fair share of
this particular kind of talent.

It is in the newspaper offices that the drive, bustle
and intense strain, of American life is pre-eminently
centered, and the so-called "yellow" journals are those
where the national characteristics find the freest scope
and the widest range. Among "yellow" papers the
Hearst papers stand easily conspicuous. Mr. Pulitzer
founded this latter day journalism, and for a time
reigned supreme in the Nezv York World. His suc-
cess provoked Mr. W. R. Hearst to enter the field,
and by dint of lavish expenditure and great journal-
istic flaire he succeeded in building up a newspaper
which is at once the wonder and the despair of its
competitors.

Mr. Hearst is still a young man, with command of
unlimited capital, who has spanned the continent with
his three papers, the New York Journal, the Chicago

295

Mr. Hearst's Papers

American, and the San Francisco Examiner. The
style of all these journals is loud. There is no limit,
save that of the typographer, to the eccentricity which
they adopt for the purpose of displaying their news,
and of calling attention to their wares. During the
Cuban War, the Journal would sometimes come out
with its front page consisting solely of about four or
five lines in huge type, resembling nothing so much
as the news bills of the London evening papers.

But it is a great mistake to regard the New York
Journal as a mere catch-penny news-sheet. It is a
paper which has a very clearly defined creed, which it
preaches with consistency and energy. It is true that
the preaching friars who use it as their rostrum some-
times "ding the pulpit to blads," but when you are
addressing the cosmopolitan, polyglot, very busy mil-
lions of people to whom the Journal appeals, it is im-
possible to speak with the well-bred whisper of diplo-
macy. There is a difference, of course, between the
diplomatic whisper and the megaphonic roar of the
Journal, but the wise man looks more to the substance
of what is said than the manner of its delivery.

Mr. Hearst's famous definition of the difference be-
tween journalism that does things and the journalism
that only chronicles them, is continually receiving fresh
illustrations. In his own way he has grasped the idea,
not perfectly but still resolutely, of government by
journalism, and when experience and age have brought
a little more steadiness Mr. Hearst may become the
most powerful journalist in the world. He embodies
and exaggerates all the distinctively American qual-

296

Good and Bad Qualities

ities of the later days. He is self-assertive, pushing,
defiant, and determined at whatever cost to "get there"
every time.

It is a popular superstition among the respectable
Americans that no one ever reads the Journal. "Its
name, we never mention it; oh, no, 'tis never heard,"
and Mr. Frederic Harrison, after making a prolonged
tour in the United States, was able to assure the read-
ers of the Nineteenth Century that during the whole
of his travels he had never once met any person who
ever saw or ever spoke of a yellow journal.

"Doth not Wisdom cry? and understanding put
forth her voice? She standeth in the top of high
places, by the way in the places of the paths. She
crieth at the gates, at the entry of the city, at the com-
ing in at the doors. Unto you, O men, I call ; and my
voice is to the sons of man."

It is to be feared that a good many cultured people
in the olden time, who dwelt in their studies or in their
lecture-rooms, were as deaf to the voice of Wisdom
thus publicly crying in the highways and byways of the
city as Mr. Harrison was to the voice of yellow
journalism. No one can understand America to-day,
with all the sum of its turbulent activities, with its best
and its worst, who closes his eyes to the so-called
"yellow" journals.*

One of the most recent exploits of the Hearst papers
was to assist two young women in Chicago who, on

* People seem to imagine that "yellow" is an oppro-
brious epithet. Yellow was the color which the Jews had
to wear in the Ghetto. The yellow rose is the badge of Zion-
ism to-day. but the yellow of American journalism has noth-

297

Power of the Press

behalf of the Teachers' Federation, took legal action
for the purpose of compelling the officials to make a
fair assessment of property in Chicago. As the result
of the support given to the teachers, property valued
at £47,000,000 was added to the rateable value of the
city of Chicago, which rendered it possible, without
raising the rates, to add half a million to the revenue
of the city.

The Judge, in giving his decision on the question,
declared that the Chicago American, in fighting the
tax-dodgers, had been fearless, and there was no ques-
tion of its devotion to public honesty. As the Journal
pleasantly remarked : "This is only one of a hundred
instances in which the Hearst newspapers have
stepped with spiked boots on the toes of thieving cor-
porations. Hence you can begin to appreciate the ex-
tent of the animosity against them among the preda-
tory classes."

It maintained, not without reason, that many
"respectable" persons, who foamed at the mouth at the
mention of "yellow journalism" did so because they
feared its fearlessness. The virulent fanatic hatred
with which yellow journalism is regarded led Mr.

ing to do with that. It originated in the fact that first one
of these journals and then another employed in its color-
printed weekly supplements the picture of a child dressed
in a yellow frock, who is known as the "yellow kid." The
adventures of this small urchin were described week after
week, and the continual reappearance of the yellow-frocked
youngster gave the name of yellow to the journals in whose
pages it figured. There was nothing opprobrious in the epi-
thet, and it has been so absurdly misapplied that yellow,
in the mouth of some people, is almost a synonym for go-
ahead and enterprise.

298

Spiked-Boot Journalism

Hearst to say: "What is the trouble then? It has
nothing to do with morals, for the Journal, the Amer-
ican, and the Examiner are more scrupulous in regard
to the character of the matter they print than any other
papers of general circulation in their respective cities.
It has nothing to do with politics, for these journals
have set an example of fair and courteous treatment
of political opponents, that has been gratefully recog-
nized by the partisan leaders they have fought." The
real secret of the hatred is because they come down
with spiked boots upon so many dishonest people's
toes. Another delusion is that the Hearst papers have
no policy. On the contrary, they have maintained a
very definite policy both in home and foreign affairs.
Most of their demands in foreign affairs are now ac-
cepted by the nation, and are recognized as part and
parcel of the policy of the United States. In home
affairs they propounded at the beginning of the year
1901 the following seven-headed programme, which is
worth while' bearing in mind : —

( 1 ) Election of senators by the people ; (2) destruc-
tion of criminal trusts; (3) no protection for oppres-
sive trusts; (4) the public ownership of public
franchises; (5) a graduated income tax ; (6) currency
reform; (7) national, state, and municipal improve-
ment of the public school system.

Here are politics, says the Journal, which look to-
wards progress, and represent the truest Americanism.

There is some talk of Mr. Hearst starting a daily
paper in London. There is plenty of room here for
spiked boots that come down roughly upon the toes of

299

Magazine Literature

evil-doers, and to-day we should welcome a vigorous,
energetic newspaper of the Hearst kind, even if it did
overdo the scare-head and the big type.

The periodical magazine is another form of literary
activity in which the Americans have outstripped the
British, especially in the matter of illustrations. The
Century, Scribner's and Harper's are three periodicals
for the like of which we may search in vain through
the periodical literature of the world. The Cosmo-
politan, McClure's, and Everybody's Magazine are
also as good as, and often better than the best of our
popular sixpennies. The American Review of Re-
views is much superior both in price and general get-
up and advertisements to the English Reviezv of Re-
views, from which it sprang. We have no magazine
comparable to the World's Work. Neither have we
anything comparable to the Youth's Companion, the
Ladies' Home Journal, or Success.

Of the non-illustrated magazines, the North Amer-
ican may challenge comparison with the Nineteenth
Century, but on the high-priced magazines the old
country still has the pull, and the same may be said
of Russia and France. The American magazine has
an advantage over its English competitors in the postal
rates, which enable second-class mail matter to be sent
through the post at an almost nominal charge, whereas
in England the postage often adds 50 per cent, to the
cost of the magazine.*

* The privilege of sending periodicals through the post, as
second class mail matter at a nominal postage rate has been
much abused. Several so-called magazines are serial direc-
tories, others are mere advertising pamphlets; and at one time

300

Reforming the Language

Discussing the Americanization of the world, it is
necessary to say at least a passing word upon the
Americanization of the English language. It is the
fashion in some quarters to believe that the Americans
are corrupting the language. The Americans, on the
other hand, maintain with considerable show of reason,
that many words and phrases which we regard as dis-
tinctively American are really from the well of English
undefiled as it was to be found in the spacious times
of Great Elizabeth.

They also maintain that London is the great cor-
rupter of English pronunciation, and it is tolerably
certain that if there were to be an Academy of the
Language formed, many of the greatest purists would
come from the other side of the Atlantic. On the other
hand, the Americans have taken the lead in eliminating
what they regard as superfluous letters from English
words, a process which in time may make great change
in the outward appearance, although not in the pro-
nunciation of our mother-tongue. Long ago the
Americans dropped the superfluous V in such words
as "honour," and substituted "z" for "s" in words like
"organise."

The National Educational Association formally
adopted for use in all its official publications a simpli-
fied spelling for these twelve words — program, tJw,
altho, thoro, thorofare, thru, thruout, catalog, prolog,
decalog, demagog, pedagog.

almost any book could be sent through the post at maga-
zine rates, if only it were brought out in a series. These
abuses are, however, being vigorously dealt with, to the great
benefit of the legitimate magazines.

301

Improved Spelling

The United States Government some time ago ap-
pointed a Board to decide on a uniform spelling for
geographical names. They reported in favor of the
elimination of the unnecessary letters, so that Behring
Straits in the American official publications is spelt
without the "h." A committee of the American Asso-
ciation for the Advancement of Science has also drawn
up rules for the uniform spelling of chemical terms.
Its most important recommendations, which have been
adopted in the school-books, eliminate the final "e"
from such words as "oxide," "iodide," "chloride,"
"quinine," "morphine," "aniline," etc.

This tendency to eliminate superfluous letters, al-
though much to be lamented from the point of view
of the philologist who wishes to trace the origin of
words, nevertheless represents a simplicity in spelling
and economy in space. It is not difficult to foresee
the coming of a still greater change.

Some day the American, with his characteristic
directness and genius for going straight to the point,
recognizing that the one great obstacle in the way of
the universal adoption of the English language as a
means of communication between man and man is its
spelling, will take courage and reduce the language of
Shakespeare and Milton to a phonetic system. The
literary sense shudders at the thought of the disap-
pearance of the familiar words, which have become in-
dissolubly associated with the ideas which they ex-
press, but from a practical point of view, the conven-
ience of the change would be incalculable.

Those who live in the period of transition will have

302

An American Language

a bad time, but all future generations will gain when
the spelling of the words is made to correspond to the
way in which they are pronounced. Thus possibly
the Americans may adopt the change many years
before it is accepted in more conservative Britain. In
that case there will be a great danger of our losing
the one adjective which describes our common race,
for their language will be known as the American as
distinct from the English. We shall have two
tongues prouounced in the same way, but spelt very
differently.

It is easy to see how, if the unification of the English-
speaking race is not speedily effected, such an altera-
tion would make a very subtle appeal to the instinct
of American patriotism. At the present time an Amer-
ican must speak English, for he cannot differentiate
the language which he speaks from that of the Mother
Country; but, if the spelling were altered, the Amer-
icans would have a language of their own. Let us
hope that from so great a disaster the Race may be
saved by the Union which will secure that the altera-
tion in spelling shall be effected simultaneously
throughout the whole area of the English-speaking
world.

303

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Third

Art, Science and Music

Fifty years ago, even thirty years ago, an allusion
to American art would have provoked an incredulous
smile on the part of our Royal Academicians. The
Americans were supposed to have a supreme capacity
for producing pork and corn, but as for the fine arts
we have only to turn to English newspapers at the
time when Mrs. Trollope and Dickens were regarded
as the chief authorities upon things American, to
realize how absurd must have seemed a suggestion that
even in this field Britons would not be able to hold
their own.

That this is the fact in at least some branches of art
has been formally attested this year in the most official
fashion. The Coronation of Edward VII. is the great
ceremonial event to which we are all looking forward
in 1902. It is more than sixty years since the old
Abbey witnessed the coronation of a British Sovereign.
All the resources of the Empire will be employed to
make the coronation of the King as perfect a picture
and symbol of the Empire as the wit or imagination
of man can devise.

304

American Artists Supreme

But when the question arose as to the artist to
whom should be deputed the duty of making perma-
nent the picture of the great scene upon which the eyes
of the world will be centered next June, the King
passed over all British artists, and selected for the
supreme task a citizen of the Republic. It is by the
aid of the brush of Mr. Edwin Abbey, an American
artist, that posterity will picture the crowning of
Edward VII.

This Royal homage to Republican genius by no
means stands alone, nor is Mr. Abbey the only Amer-
ican who in the opinion of the British themselves has
been worthy of the highest place among British artists.
In last year's Academy Mr. Sargent was facile prin-
ceps. It was Sargent's year, said the art critics, with
astonishing unanimity, and some did not even hesitate
to accompany their tribute to Mr. Sargent with more
or less contumelious reflections upon the British-born
artists, whose canvases they declared only served as
foils to the supreme excellence of the American.

Mr. Whistler is another notable American whose
original genius has triumphed over all the prejudice
excited by a somewhat eccentric form of expression.
Of course it may be said, and justly said, that the
British pictures exhibited at the Paris Exhibition were
superior, taken as a whole, to those exhibited by Amer-
ican artists, but it is the excellence of the supreme
artist rather than the general average of the rank and
file which counts in the history of art.

The Royal Munich Academy this year has selected
for special honor three English-speaking artists, two

305

American Artists Supreme

of whom, Mr. Sargent and Mr. Abbey, are American,
and one, Mr. Walter Crane, is an Englishman. But
both of the American artists are acclimatized in the
Old World. Mr. Sargent was born in Italy of Amer-
ican parents, and he may be said to be Europeanized
from his birth. Mr. Abbey, born in Philadelphia,
was educated in America, but he quitted the New
World two and twenty years ago.

Mr. Whistler is a voluntary exile from his native
land. It is inevitable that the Old World should
attract the artists for a time, but that time is passing.
American sculptors find a most congenial home in
Rome, and American artists prefer Paris and London
to New York or Chicago.

But while they go abroad to be Europeanized and
to profit by the picture galleries of Europe, they can-
not be Europeanized without each of them exercising
a more or less Americanizing influence upon the society
in the midst of which they live. For the American,
like a lump of sugar or a drop of vinegar — whichever
you prefer — in a glass of water, always makes his
personality felt.

American students troop to Paris in such numbers
that they have an association of their own, which every
year holds an exhibition. The Association is not com-
posed exclusively of Americans, but the citizens of
the United States predominate. It is said that there
are no fewer than two hundred American architects
at the Beaux-Arts, while American artists are much
more numerous.

In England we have recently witnessed the forma-

306

An Internationalizing Element

tion of an International Society for sculptors, painters,
and gravers, which holds its own exhibitions, at which
its members show their best work in such a fashion
that it may be seen to the best advantage. Its Presi-
dent, Mr. Whistler, is an American. Mr. Pennell,
who is one of the best black and white artists in Lon-
don, is also an American. Mr. St. Gaudens, Mr.
MacMonnies, Mr. Chase, Mr. Alexander, and Mr.
Melchers, are among the honorary members ; Mr.
Humphreys Johnston, Mr. Muhrman, Mr. Mura,
among the associates ; while this year Mr. Lungren
and Mr. McLure Hamilton were exhibitors.

So that the International Society will be largely
American. That is, indeed, but symbolical of the
change which is going on on a larger scale in every
department of life. The Americans are a great inter-
nationalizing element. Being themselves an amalgam
of many nations, they constitute a kind of human flux,
which enables the diverse elements of hostile national-
ities to form a harmonious whole. In our Royal
Academy we have at present only two Americans, but
they worthily uphold the honor of the United States.

There is very excellent reason why American artists
should prefer to paint in the Old World. Mr. J. W.
Alexander, the painter, in a recent lecture before the
National Art Club of New York, explained one reason
why the artist prefers to paint outside his native land.
A prophet has no honor in his own country, and Mr.
Alexander declares that the price of a picture painted
in the United States is scarcely more than one-fifth of
what it would bring if it had been painted abroad by

307

A Prophecy of Greatness

the same artist in the same style and with the same
merits.

Pictures, in the opinion of American collectors, still,
it would seem, require the hall-mark of Europe. A
heavy duty imposed upon works of art, a kind of pro-
tection for American artists, fails in its purpose, and
leads American collectors to keep their collections in
London rather than in New York.

The American with his brush as yet has probably
had less influence upon European art than the Amer-
ican with his dollars, for Maecenas, who in the old
days was patron of all art and letters in Imperial
Rome, has been reincarnated nowadays with an Amer-
ican accent. In all the great cities in America picture
galleries are growing up, to which from time to time
the masterpieces of Europe are transported with rev-
erent hands, and displayed as a perennial source of
culture before the eyes of the young Democracy.

A French artist, M. Edmond Aman Jean, who re-
cently visited America, has lately published a rather
remarkable appreciation of American art. He said
that although he had often served on the Salon juries
in Paris, he had never seen so much justice and such a
strict honesty as was manifested in the examination of
the works which made up the Carnegie Exhibition in
1901. And then, going on to speak of American art
as a whole, he declared: —

" My conviction is that, like Venice, the United
States will have one day the most magnificent school
of painting in the world. Venice commenced like
America, by industry and commerce. She had her

308

Originality in Architecture

sellers before she had her painters. She was obliged
to acquire opulence and domination before she could
found a school of art. Generations must pass away
yet before in the field of art old Europe will be defin-
nitely vanquished, but the generations will be born, will
live and die, and the new art will come permanently
into existence."

American architecture is ill understood by those who
imagine that its culminating triumph has been the
construction of thirty-story sky-scrapers. No one is
likely to fall into such an error who visited the World's
Fair in Chicago. The Court of Honor, with its pal-
aces surrounding the great fountain, the slender
columns of the peristyle, the golden dome of the ad-
ministration building, formed a picture the like of
which the world has not seen before.

The long stately lines of the great palaces, the glory
of the colonnades, and the beauty of the lagoons, in
which the great buildings were mirrored when the
waters were not disturbed by the gondolas, left an im-
pression of perfect beauty and stately symmetry never
equalled in any of the most famous architectural
marbles of the Old World.

Yet the buildings had none of the associations of
history and of tradition which contribute so largely
to impress the pilgrims to the great cathedrals of the
Middle Ages or the temples of Greece and Rome. The
buildings were new from the architect's hands. It
was a great tribute to the genius of their builders that
the buildings which they reared could produce so con-
stant and abiding an effect. The race which could

309

Men of Science

produce the Court of Honor in the World's Fair will
cover the Continent with imperishable monuments of
its genius.

In sculpture the Americans are as productive as
original and as instinct with forceful virility. Mr.
St. Gaudens is probably the greatest living sculptor,
if we except M. Roden.

Passing from art to science, the first two American
naturalists whose names became known to the Old
World were Audubon in ornithology, and Professor
Agassiz. It is a long time since they passed away, so
long that they appear almost to belong to a vanished
world. In the Twentieth Century there seems to be
ample ground for believing that the Americans will
distance us in science more decisively than in almost
any other department of human activity.

The reason for this lies, not only in the genius of
the people, but because the provision made for scien-
tific research by the munificence of American million-
aires is infinitely in excess of anything that is pro-
vided in the British Empire. Sir Norman Lockyer
recently made a bitter lament as to the scandalous
neglect of science by the British Government. Recom-
mendations made years ago for the appointment of a
Scientific Council have never been carried into effect,
and there is hardly any department of scientific re-
search that is provided even with sufficient funds to
find itself with its necessary instruments.

Not only do the Americans equip all their great
universities with magnificent apparatus and adequate
endowments, but they send their ablest students

3J0

Clever American Girls

abroad to study with the best experts in every branch
of science. They tap the brains of the world, and
keep themselves fully abreast of the latest results of
modern research.

Not only is this true of what may be called the
Brahmins of science, but American newspapers take
much more pains to popularize scientific discoveries
than is thought worth while by their English admir-
ers. The yellowest of yellow journals will describe,
in page after page, the latest discovery in astronomy
or the most recent speculations as to the art and cul-
ture of Palaeolithic man.

Another notable advantage which the Americans
have in the scientific field is that they draw both sexes,
whereas in England, with very few exceptions, science
is a monopoly of the male. One of the most remark-
able instances of the advantage of being able to lay
the talents of both sexes under contribution in the
work of science is afforded by the story of the
Klumpke sisters. There are four of them. Miss
Dorothea Klumpke, the brilliant San Francisco girl,
won for herself a distinguished and unique position
in the Paris Observatory, where she has been em-
ployed for years at the head of a large staff of girls
in making a chart of the heavens.

She was one of the astronomers selected by the
French Government to observe the recent eclipse of
the sun. Not only is she an astronomer, but also she
is an intrepid aeronaut, and, if current gossip be well
founded, she was in a balloon at the fateful moment
when she found her destiny in the stars in another

3JI

Clever American Girls

than an astrological sense. The Klumpke girls form
a remarkable group, perhaps the most remarkable
group of sisters at present on this planet. Dorothea,
the astronomer, is the eldest.

After her comes her sister Anna, who is an artist,
and famous as the intimate friend and legatee of Rosa
Bonheur; Augusta, a doctor, was the first woman to
obtain an appointment as house-surgeon in a Paris
hospital, and she subsequently married a French
doctor. Julia Klumpke has already achieved fame as
a violinist and a singer. A few more families like
the Klumpke girls would Americanize Europe with a
vengeance. Unfortunately such groups are rare, even
in the United States.

It would be impossible to attempt even the most
cursory survey of the contributions that Americans
have made to human science, which, being of no
country and cosmopolitan in its nature, bears perhaps
less trace of Americanization than many other depart-
ments of human activity. It would be presumption
on my part to attempt even to summarize in outline
the contributions which Americans have made to
modern science.

All that I wish to do here is to remind the public,
and especially my own countrymen, of the achieve-
ments of the Americans in this as in other departments
of life, in order to combat the prevalent delusion which
still lingers in many Old-World quarters, that the
Americans are nothing more than growers of corn and
rearers of pork.

Astronomy is one of the oldest and most sublime of
3J2

America Leads in Astronomy

all sciences, and it is precisely in this science that the
Americans are leading the world. Sir Robert Ball,
Astronomer-Royal, recently declared to Mr. G. P.
Serviss, an American astronomer, that —

"America now leads the van of astronomical science.
The greatest advance," he said, "that astronomy has recently
made is what the Americans have been doing. It is the worx
accomplished by Professor Keeler at the great Lick Ob-
servatory in California. I do not know of anything in as-
tronomy so important as what he did a little before his death,
when he discovered the nebular wonders of the heavens.
I do not know of anything that can be compared to this dis-
covery in the recent advance of astronomy for its immense
importance and significance, for the light which it throws
upon the origin of the solar system, and the suggestion
which it makes as to the beginnings of the manner of forma-
tion of such systems."

So said Sir Robert Ball at the end of last October,
and three weeks had hardly passed before the astron-
omers in the Lick Observatory reported a new con-
quest in the unexpected and startling discovery which
they made in photographing a star in Nova Persii.

About the same time occurred the publication of a
report of Professor Pickering, of Harvard, describing
the results of his spectroscopic analysis of lightning,
which, in his judgment, suggests that hydrogen is not
an element, but only a compound. Professor Picker-
ing further reported that "there is a close resemblance
between the spectrum of lightning and that of the new
star in Perseus." Science may be thus started upon
new fields.

One of the early characteristics of the American,
noted by all Englishmen who visited the country in the

3J3

Yankee Ways

first half of last century, was the intense spirit of
curiosity, of Yankee inquisitiveness, as it was called.
In those early days the habit of cross-examining a
stranger down to the ground upon all the details of
his life and business may have been carried to lengths
which were hardly consistent with the hospitality due
to the stranger within their gates. But the essence of
inquisitiveness is the spirit of inquiry which forms the
basis of all scientific progress.

The Yankee who in the railway car asked you who
you were, what your income was, what you had done,
and what you hoped to do, was treating you as every
man of science treats every unknown phenomenon
which presents itself to him. The scientist is a per-
petual note of interrogation, and this intense eager-
ness to know, to find out things, and a certain child-
like faculty of constantly renewed wonderment, affords
broad and deep foundation for the future pre-eminence
of America in scientific pursuits.

With sandwichmen parading the streets of London,
announcing two performances daily of Sousa's band,
we have one side of American music brought very
prominently before the attention of the London public.

The "Washington Post March" has drummed itself
into the ears of the whole world. The great American
composers, however, have yet to be born, but Amer-
ican prima donnas are arising to charm the Old World
with the native wood-notes wild of the New World.
For many years American audiences have been thrilled
by the notes of European artists. They are beginning
to repay their debt.
314

Musicians and Singers

It is rather odd to read that a young Illinois woman,
Miss Minnie Methot, after beginning her career as
soprano in the first Congregational Church in Evans-
ton, Illinois, has been chosen to sing one of the lead-
ing parts in Paderewski's new opera of "Manru" in
Berlin.

Not less interesting, but even more significant, is the
fact that German jealousy of American competition
has shown itself on the operatic stage, and that more
than once American singers have been compelled to
abandon roles which they were recognized as the fittest
to fill, because of the jealousy of their fellow-artists
of the Old World, who resent American rivalry on the
stage as much as German Protectionists resent the
import of American goods into the market.

Emma Nevada is another of the American canta-
trices whose talents have commanded European recog-
nition, and it will be remembered was one of the last
singers commanded to sing in private before Queen
Victoria. The use of singing as a means of Evangel-
ization, if not originally an American notion, received
its chief recognition from Americans.

Mr. Phillip Phillips, the Singing Pilgrim, began
it, but it was Mr. Sankey who made sacred song more
important as an instrument of revival than the sermon.
The latest movement among the churches in Chicago
has been the formation of a plan at Chicago Theo-
logical Seminary for starting a school of church music
where preachers and choirs could study under pro-
fessors selected for their special knowledge of the best
,use of music in religious worship.

3J5

Future Triumphs

Few things struck me more when I was in Chicago
than the attention which was paid to music, and the
popularity of high-class music. Some people say that
the Americans owe this to the large infusion of the
Germans. If this be so, Americans have taken to
it very kindly. A remarkable tribute to American
music was recently paid by Dr. Wilhelm Klatte, who,
last November, in the course of his series of lectures
on the history of music, declared his conviction that
the United States would be teaching Europe music
within twenty years.

"America," he said, "is undoubtedly on the threshold
of a great musical career. Native composition is only
emerging from its infancy, and most American musical
exponents are fresh from European schooling. But
music, like everything else, will become typically
American."

What evidently impressed Dr. Klatte deeply was
the presence in Berlin of such large numbers of earn-
est and devoted students of music from across the
Atlantic.

"The records of our Conservatories show that out
of an average class of five hundred, one-fifth is com-
posed of Yankees, while the remainder are Germans.
Never fewer than forty-five Americans obtain first
honors, while if two hundred Germans manage to
secure a like position, the percentage is high."

Some American critics have looked askance at Dr.
Klatte's compliments, with a suspicion that he is pok-
ing fun at them with his complimentary prophecies.

316

Of American Music

But Dr. Klatte Is a distinguished musical critic on the
most widely circulated Berlin newspaper, and there is
no reason to believe that he was not expressing a
genuine conviction as to the future triumphs of Amer-
ica in the musical world.

3J7

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Fourth

Marriage and Society

Among the influences which are Americanizing the
world, the American girl is one of the most conspicu-
ous and the most charming.

"Few people have any idea," said Lord Dufferin to
me some twenty years ago, in discussing the influence
of America upon the world, "of the extent to which
the diplomatic service is Americanized by the influ-
ence of marriage. Nearly all the attaches of the vari-
ous embassies at Washington are captured, before their
term of office expires, by American beauties and Amer-
ican heiresses. The result is that the diplomatic
service, the only service which is really cosmopolitan,
is Americanized through and through."

Lord Dufferin was the first to point out what has
long since been familiar to every one. Count Hatz-
feldt, who was for so many years German Ambassador
in London, was one of the many German diplomatists
who had married an American wife. The most con-

3J8

How Society is Americanized

spicuous features in this romantic marriage were re-
called and expatiated upon at length in all the Amer-
ican papers on the occasion of the Counts death.

A still more curious illustration of the extent to
which the American woman has married into the very
heart of German diplomacy was afforded by the fact
that when the German Ambassador at Peking was
l-illed by the Boxers he left an American widow, and
that when Count von Waldersee was sent out to avenge
his death he had to bid farewell to an American wife
before he departed to avenge the wrongs of an Amer-
ican widow. K,-;u;-,nt-
At the Hague Conference two of the most b.dl.ant
representatives of European diplomacy, Baron
d'Estournelles, for a long time charge ■ d affaires in
London, and Baron de Bildt, Swed.sh mm, te r at
Rome, had both married American wives^ These are
just passing illustrations of the truth of Lord Duf

fC N* hinged be more in the nature of things than
that the "young naval and other attaches who .begin
their careers at Washington, having about t » Hte
glamor of a distinguished position, and in ™£™£
of titles, should attract the American girl, while on her
side she wields the two weapons of beauty and wealth,
either one of which would suffice for conquest.

English diplomatists succumb quite as frequently
as anv others It was noted recently on the marriage

0 Miss Belle Wilson, of New York, to the Honorable
Michael Herbert, now British Minister at the Court

01 Copenhagen, that a Secretary of Legation tad also

The Influence of Dollars

married an American wife, and therein followed the
example of his predecessor in the same post.

It is not only in diplomacy that the American girl
achieves her triumphs. Diplomatists are few, whereas
men of title and of mark are many. Hence, every
year an increasing number of American heiresses
marry into European families. This tendency is, of
course, most marked in Great Britain ; but it is
noticeable both in France and Germany. In course of
time, indeed, it is probable that all European nations
will be privileged to contribute bridegrooms who will
be offered up as willing sacrifices on the hymeneal
altar of America.

It is only the more conspicuous heiresses who attract
general attention, and in some cases the marriages
have been anything but ideal. It has been a case of
the bartering of dollars against a title, with a woman
thrown in as a kind of arles-penny to clinch the bargain.
This impression as to the mercenary nature of many of
these marriages was curiously illustrated a year or
two since by the publication of a correspondence be-
tween Queen Natalie and the late King Milan of
Servia.

The ill-mated pair were discussing the best way of
rehabilitating the fortunes of the Obrenovitch dynasty
by providing for the future of their son, the present
king, whose matrimonial adventures with Queen
Draga have afforded so many paragraphs to the
gossip-mongers of the Continent. The suggestion in
that correspondence was that the young Alexander
had better be married to an American heiress, not be-
320

The Influence of Dollars

cause there was any American girl of whose exist-
ence they were aware who was likely to be a suitable
wife, but solely because the American wife was ex-
pected to bring millions as her dower.

The signing of the marriage contract in this case,
as in many others, was merely to be like the signing
of a check, which empowered the husband to draw
upon the banking account of his wife. "With all my
worldly goods I thee endow" is the declaration which
in the English marriage service is made by the man.
It is because the American woman has taken over that
privilege that she has come to be regarded as a kind of
inexhaustible financial reserve by the spendthrift
nobles of the Old World.

Three centuries ago, adventurers who had wrecked
their substance at the gaming-table, or had been ruined
by the fortune of war, clapped their good swords by
their sides and sailed the Spanish main in the confident
expectation of being able to return laden with the
plunder of the palace of Montezuma or of the gold of
the Incas.

Nowadays the same kind of gentry cross the At-
lantic on a similar errand, but their methods are less
heroic than those of the olden time. Their objective,
however, is the same, and many times they are even
more successful. Heiress after heiress has been
brought back in triumph, bearing with her fortunes
which would have dazzled Pizarro, or stayed even the
ravenous appetite of the Elizabethan captains who
seized the galleons of Spain.

What will be the influence of this continual influx

32J

Revivifying Agencies

of American heiresses, whose millions replenish the
exhausted exchequer of European nobles? M. Finot,
the acute and sagacious editor of La Rcvuc, recently
expounded to me when I was in Paris a theory of the
influence of American work on European develop-
ment, which was suggestive of much.

M. Finot maintained that the plutocracy of the New
World would give the reactionary party in the Old
World a new lease of life. The great landed pro-
prietors, the heirs of historic titles, even some royal
dynasties, were becoming bankrupt. The unchecked
operation of economic causes in the Old World, aided
by the pressure of American competition, would, in
the course of a generation or two, have destroyed
feudalism in Europe, and paved the way for the advent
of a more or less socialistic republic.

But while economic laws with iron teeth are grind-
ing into powder the remains of the feudal system in
Europe, hey, presto ! and behold, the American heiress
descends like some maleficent fairy to arrest the proc-
ess of disintegration and decay, and to give a new
lease of power to the oligarchy which seemed to be
descending into its grave.

Old castles are repaired and upholstered with the
aid of American dollars. Mortgages are paid off, and
great estates restored to the possession of their nom-
inal owners. The plutocracy of the New World, rein-
forcing the aristocracy of the Old, robs democracy of
its destined triumph.

This diagnosis of the situation is worthy of the
shrewd and penetrating mind of my brilliant friend,

322

The Evil of It

a man who unites in his single person the genius of
three races. After all, it may be pleaded in mitiga-
tion of the offense of the American heiress, that when
she has done her utmost, all her millions can do but
little to restore the dilapidation which has been
wrought in the feudal ramparts by the steady attri-
tion of American competition.

Her fathers and her brothers, from their farms on
the prairie and their factories in Chicago, ceaselessly
hurl across the Atlantic vast vessels which are like pro-
jectiles laden with food-stuffs, whose effect upon the
old order in the Old World may be compared to so
many dynamite shells. Through the breaches thus
made in the ramparts of reaction, a whole flood of Amer-
ican ideas are pouring into Europe. To stem this the
richest of American heiresses is powerless. At best
she can only rig up for her husband a temporary
shelter amid the ruins.

It was rather a degradation of the idea of American
womanhood to regard the American girl as a means
of replenishing the exhausted exchequer, a kind of
financial resource, like the Income Tax. Indeed, it
is not too much to say that when there is no love in
the matter, it is only gilded prostitution, infinitely
more culpable from the moral point of view than the
ordinary vice into which women are often driven by
sheer lack of bread.

When I published the "Maiden Tribute" sixteen
years ago, Lord Randolph Churchill scoffed at the idea
that vice was unpopular. He declared that it was
the one bond of sympathy between the aristocracy and

323

The Real American Girl

the democracy; and this trading with American heir-
esses for coronets may from this point of view be
regarded as the touch of nature which makes the whole
world kin.

It is at least a proof of the persistency of the spirit
of the snob, which not even the free air of the Amer-
ican Republic is able to exorcise. What is bred in
the bone comes out in the flesh. Many Americans in
this respect bear only too faithful a resemblance to
their English ancestors.

It would be a monstrous injustice to suggest that
marriage between titled persons in the Old Country and
the heiresses of the New World is never accompanied
by affection so sincere that the dollars are mere un-
considered trifles thrown into the bargain.

It would also be an absurd misapprehension of facts
to assume that the only marriages which take place
between men of the Old World and women of the New
are accompanied by the transfer of substantial bank
balances from America to England. The American
girl has no need of dollars to render her attractive to
English suitors. She is always bright, vivacious and
intelligent, often beautiful, and not seldom a very
desirable wife and mother.

The real American girl in her millions never has the
opportunity of visiting Europe. We only see in the
Old World a very small percentage of American
womanhood, that which is drawn exclusively from the
wealthier classes. Of the girls of the class represented
by Miss Rebecca Hallbom — a Minnesota girl whose
fame is trumpeted in the American newspapers as the

324

The Romance of It

breaker of all records as the milker of cows — we see
very little in Europe. Miss Hallbom at the age of six-
teen, every day in the week milks nineteen cows morn-
ing and evening, and on an average deprives each cow
of its milk in less than five minutes. On occasions
she will milk fifty cows in a day.

The attraction which men of the Old World have
for the women of the New — for many more American
women marry Englishmen than English women marry
American men — is not difficult to explain. There is a
certain glamor about the Old World which appeals to
the susceptible feminine imagination.

The attraction of ancient lineage, of ivy-clad castles,
and the associations of a great historic name, appeal
irresistibly to many minds. It is also true that Amer-
ican men are as a rule more immersed in business than
men of a similar class in the Old World. There is
more leisure here, less rush, and more opportunity for
the cultivation of domesticity. And our interests are
often more varied, and the Old World life is both
picturesque and novel.

It is also asserted (although far be it from me to
express any opinion on the subject) that the lovers of
the Old World are more ardent in their devotion than
American men, while others maintain that the sex
loves a master, and that the deeper instinct of the
American woman craves for a husband who will be
her lord and master. This I take leave to doubt, for
the instinct of domination which makes the American
woman mistress both of her home and all that it con-

325

American Wives of Englishmen

tains, including her husband, is as much in evidence
on this side of the Atlantic as on the other.

It is a remarkable fact that four English statesmen
of Cabinet rank have married American wives. Mr.
Chamberlain, after having twice married an English-
woman, has found his supreme felicity in an Amer-
ican, Miss Endicott. Sir William Harcourt married
an American, so did Mr. Bryce, and so also did Lord
Randolph Churchill, whose wife, now Mrs. Corn-
wallis-West, is one of the few American women who
have counted for anything in English politics. Amer-
ican women on this side of the water are very seldom
politicians, although some of them have married into
positions where to exercise a political influence would
have been both easy and natural.

The Marlboroughs, both the late Duke and the pres-
ent, are remarkable for havinggone to America for their
wives. Consuelo Vanderbilt, whose millions have
rendered it possible to revive some of the glories of
Blenheim — for without the American money it would
have been difficult for the Duke even to have kept his
windows glazed — will some day probably be the wife
of the Viceroy of Ireland; while Miss Leiter has for
some years past been Vice-Empress of India.

Manchester is another ducal family which has had
two American Duchesses in succession. But in neither
case have they contributed much to the social, polit-
ical, or intellectual life of the Old Country.

On the Continent there are many American women
whose names figure considerably in the newspapers.
The most remarkable princess was Miss Heine, who

326

Marriages are Love Matches

married the Prince of Monaco. Another princess of
a very different character who figured much more
prominently in the papers, not altogether by the super-
abundance of her virtues, was Miss Clara Ward of
Detroit, who, when a girl of eighteen, married the
Prince de Chimay and Caraman, a Belgian title, bring-
ing with her a dowry of half a million sterling.

The prince brought as his marriage portion a dis-
solute past. When the corruption of the Old World
married the wealth of the New, the result was what
might have been anticipated. Since the meteoric and
meretricious splendor of Lola Montez, few women have
created more scandal in the broad expanse which lies
between Cairo and London.

Such careers, however, are a rare exception. The
American woman in Europe may be extravagant, but
she seldom gives any occasion for scandal. A writer
in an American magazine, who discussed the question
of transplanted American beauty, says : —

"One thing is quite certain. No American girl who
has married into European society wishes to return
home to the stay-at-home life of American women.
Although many difficulties have beset their paths, with
few exceptions Anglo-American matches have been
most happy ones.

"It seems to be a woman's crown of glory — in Eng-
land, at least — that she is American-born. Until
Mrs. Lewis Hamersley married the Duke of Marl-
borough, no great fortune had gone from this country
into England, and it is safe to say that nine out of ten
marriages there were love matches."

327

Some Famous Marriages

The Spanish Princess Eulalie, who visited the
United States at the time of the World's Fair, re-
cently contributed an article upon the American girl to
an American magazine. She concluded her article by
the following cryptic phrase: "When American girls
go abroad and marry foreigners, they are affectionate,
not only in proportion to the attention they receive,
but also by reason of the dowry they give."

It is unnecessary to do more than refer in passing
to some of the more famous of the marriages which
have introduced an American strain into an Old World
family. The Countess Goblet d'Alviella, wife of the
well-known Count Goblet d'Alviella, Liberal leader,
scholar, and senator of Belgium, is an American. So
is the wife of M. Henri Monod, the Directeur de
1'Assistance Publique in Paris.

The Count Bosan de Perigord and Talleyrand, the
son of the Princess de Sagan, made one of the most
recent of notable American marriages when he mar-
ried a daughter of ex-Governor Morton.

The Castellane marriage, which made Jay Gould's
daughter Anna a French countess, is not one of those
unions which go to the credit account.

The sisters Woodhall — Mrs. Biddulph Martin, who
combines her social functions with the editing of the
Humanitarian, and her sister, Lady Cook, — Mrs.
Blomfield Moore, the friend of Browning and the
patroness of Keeley, of Keeley motor fame; Mrs.
Mackay, Mrs. Sherwood. Mrs. Arthur Paget, who is
one of the smartest of our smart set — represent, each

328

American Absorption

in her own way, various conductors of American influ-
ence upon English and European life.

But marriage is not the only means by which so-
ciety is being Americanized. The process by which
Great Britain is being converted into the family seat
of the race is going on steadily. Every year one or
another American family hires or buys some ancient
country seat or famous mansion. A certain number
still remain true to their Paris. James Gordon Ben-
nett appears permanently to have forsaken his native
land for the attractions of the Riviera, and here and
there in the pleasant land of France may be found
Americans who, having made their pile across the At-
lantic, find more of the amenities of life and a more
congenial atmosphere in country-seats which are not
too far from the boulevards.

Apropos of the American absorption of English
steamships, tobacco companies, and castles, the New
York Life publishes some amusing prophetic pictures
of what we may expect to see ere long. The pic-
tures are reproductions of the familiar photographs
of well-known London buildings and monuments, with
additions. The first of the series is a view of Tra-
falgar Square, with a view of the Nelson monument
surmounted by a gigantic statue of Uncle Sam.

The second shows us Parliament House, underneath
which we read the inscription: "The residence of Mr.
John B. Grabb, of Chicago. This building is historic-
ally interesting as having been formerly the seat of the
British Parliament." The statue of the Iron Duke
from Hyde Park Corner is furnished with the Amer-

329

The New Plutocracy

ican flag, and labelled : "This statue is now on its way
to Pittsburg." There is a view of the Royal Exchange
surmounted by a gigantic bust of J. P. Morgan, with
the legend E pluribus unum, and the corners are sur-
mounted by the American eagle and an American
coat of arms.

We have not yet come to this, but according to the
latest bogus story in the American newspapers, Amer-
ican millionaires are bidding eagerly for the privilege
of becoming tenants of Osborne House, where the
Queen died. Senator Clarke of Montana is said to have
written to the King, asking him how much he will
take. Mr. Charles G. Yerkes, of Chicago fame, is said
to be also in the field, having as his dangerous com-
petitor Mr. W. W. Astor, who is credited with a desire
to present Osborne to his daughter Pauline on her ap-
proaching marriage.

We have not. of course, got quite so far as this, but
events seem to be going somewhat in that direction.
The purchase of Cliveden from the Duke of West-
minster gave a certain shock to English society, for
while we are accustomed to the sale, by impecunious
nobles, of their hereditary possessions to American
millionaires, it was a novelty to find that one of the
richest dukes was willing to sell, provided he had his
price, to the American tempter.

Mr. Carnegie snapped up Skibo Castle in North
Britain; and one of his partners, Mr. Phipps, oc-
cupies Knebworth Castle, which is famous for its as-
sociation with Lord Lytton. These are but illustra-
tions of the way in which the new Plutocracy is

330

Americans in London

nestling itself in the old haunts of the English aris-
tocracy. The newcomers have plenty of money, but
their expenditure, as a rule, is not characterized by a
reckless extravagance.

It somewhat startled the West End when an Amer-
ican newspaper proprietor rented a palace here, and
provided a stud of thirty horses as part of the appurte-
nances necessary to his existence ; but that was excep-
tional. We have suffered little from the vulgar osten-
tation of the wealthy parvenu. The Americans who
have settled in our midst have been educated gentle-
men of means, whose chief ambition has been to
merge themselves quietly and unostentatiously in the
society in the midst of which they have taken up their
abode.

It is estimated that there are about 15,000 Amer-
icans more or less constantly resident in London. It
is a shifting population, but the majority are per-
manent. In order to form a social centre for the fem-
inine section of this colony, Mrs. Hugh Reid Griffin,
formerly of Chicago, founded the Society of American
Women, which has as a badge the arms of the City
of London surmounted by the American eagle, with
the Union Jack on one side, and the Stars and Stripes
on the other. The society was framed on the lines of
the Sorosis Club of New York, and its declared ob-
ject was the promotion of social intercourse between
American women.

Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan in the City is a name to con-
jure with. But his influence is financial, rather than
social. The mention of Mr. Morgan recalls the fact

331

Munificent Philanthropy

that it was he who undertook to defray the whole cost
of installing the electric light in St. Paul's Cathedral.
The sum of £9,000 is trivial to a millionaire, but
somehow or other the British-born millionaire does not
seem to think of it.

And this leads me to a concluding observation as to
one beneficent side of American influence on English
life. The habit of giving is one of the Americanisms
which have not yet been successfully acclimatized in
the Old World. The first American to make a dis-
tinct impact upon the English conscience by the force
of his example was Mr. Peabody, whose effigy in
bronze, seated in an armchair in the midst of "stream-
ing London's central roar," is a much less valuable
memorial than the continued usefulness of the Pea-
body Trust and all the other trusts for rehousing the
poorer classes of our great cities, which have sprung
into existence as the result of his initiative.

But no one has preached the gospel of wealth so
vigorously and has begun to practice it of late years
so munificently as Mr. Andrew Carnegie. Pie is at
present engaged in a valiant but wholly unsuccessful
effort to escape the malediction which falls upon those
who die rich.

At the same time it must be admitted that probably
no one has ever given away in a single year as much
money as Mr. Carnegie distributed in the last twelve
months. According to a list published on his return
to New York last November, he succeeded last year in
distributing eight millions sterling in various quarters.
One-fourth of this sum is represented by the two mil-
332

Beneficent Example

lions with which he endowed the Scottish universities;
one million went to the libraries of New York City;
more than one and a half millions went to the Carnegie
Institute in Pittsburg ; and £800,000 to a pension fund
for his workmen in the same city.

Miscellaneous gifts in the United States represent
£850,000, and the rest of the money appears to have
been distributed for the most part in the endowment
of libraries in Scotland and in the United States.

The widow's mite which she cast into the Treasury
will no doubt outweigh all the benefactions of the mil-
lionaires. But although it is not given to Mr. Car-
negie to break the record of that widow, we may at
least point to his example as one which we should be
glad to see British-born millionaires attempt to
imitate.

333

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Fifth

Sport

No one who remembers the important part which
the Isthmian Games played in ancient Greece will be
disposed to deny the political importance of athletics
and of sport generally as a means of promoting a
sense of unity among the English-speaking peoples
of the world. Among the millions of the United
Kingdom, cricket did more to make Australia and the
Australians living realities than all the geographies
and all the political discussions which have taken
place over the Federation of the Australian Common-
wealth.

It is one of the advantages of contests, whether on
the turf, the cricket field, or on the water, that de-
feat is as potent as victory in creating interest and
promoting a sense of comradeship. The brother-
hood of the Turf may not be the highest of brother-
hoods, but it has been for many generations a very
real fraternity which has done a good deal in England
towards bridging the chasm between the classes and
providing a democratic meeting place in which dukes

334

The Yacht Races

and bookmakers, jockeys and millionaires could meet,
if not exactly on an equal footing, at least upon com-
mon ground.

Sports which twenty years ago were almost ex-
clusively national have now become international, and
every year increases the number of events in which the
primary interest of sport is reinforced by national
rivalry.

The most conspicuous contest of 1901 was the stoutly
contested struggle made by Sir Thomas Lipton's
yacht Shamrock II. to win the America Cup. To the
eyes of the philosophic moralist there was a dangerous
resemblance between the popular interest in the Cup
races off Sandy Hook and the popular interest of the
Byzantines' in the races between blue and green chariot-
eers in the circus.

For a fortnight the progress of the campaign in
South Africa upon which, we are told, the very exist-
ence of the Empire depends, was completely obscured
by the latest telegrams describing the varying fortunes
of the competitors for the Cup. In this great inter-
national yacht race we have been beaten decisively.
Eleven times the British have attempted to lift the
America Cup, and eleven times have they failed. We
were beaten on our merits.

The Americans have built better yachts, and the
better yacht has won. Sir Thomas Lipton has appar-
ently not yet made up his mind whether he will make
a third attempt in 1903, but if he fails no one else
seems disposed to renew the challenge. It is not with-
out significance that but for Sir Thomas Lipton, who

335

Of Sculling

is a partially Americanized Irishman, no attempt would
have been made to dispute the primacy of America.
On the two previous occasions the challenger was
Lord Dunraven, who is also an Irishman, while all
our best yachts are built in Scotland. England, except
for sail-making, would appear to have definitely quitted
the field.

Possibly if the America Cup is to leave the United
States it may be carried off by the Canadians or by
the Australians, although the latter have as yet shown
no disposition to enter the lists. But whatever be
the result, it is admitted that in the designing of
yachts the Americans have led the way ever since they
carried off the famous Cup in a struggle with rivals
around the Isle of Wight.

It was they who made the centre-board and the
"skimming dish" the potent factors which they are
to-day, and though there has been a tendency of late
years to modify these extreme types, the American
racing machine has permanently modified for good or
evil the yacht construction of the whole world.

The only other form of aquatic sport in which the
general public take a keen interest is that of pair-
oar sculling, leaving on one side the University eight-
oar matches. The single sculling championship of
the world was wrested from Great Britain when E. H.
Ten Eyck, of Worcester, defeated Blackburne, and
carried off the championship across the Atlantic.
Difficulties were raised about his rowing at Henley,
and this year, after having in vain challenged any one
to contest his claim at the National Regatta on the
Schuylkill, he retired on his laurels.

336

Invasion of the British Turf

When we come to eight-oar racing, the English Uni-
versities have retained the lead, but there is no dis-
position on the part of Yale or Harvard to acquiesce
in their supremacy. Recently there was an ugly
moment when it seemed as if the stewards at Henley
would bar foreign competitors from the Henley
course. That proposal, which would have been re-
garded as a practical admission that we dared not
face our international competitors, was fortunately
rejected.

After aquatics the sport which excites the greatest
interest is the Turf. The year 1901 was famous in
the annals of the British Turf by the fact that for the
first time in our history both the great classic races,
the Derby and the Oaks, were won by Americans.
Volodyovski was bred by Lady Meux, and was only
leased by Mr. W. C. Whitney, the American, under
whose colors it was run. But he was trained by an
American, Mr. Huggins, and ridden by the American
jockey, Lester Reiff.

Mr. Whitney also established a record by handing
over the Derby stakes to charity. The Oaks was,
however, a more genuine American victory than the
Derby, for Cap and Bells II. was bred in the United
States, owned by Mr. Foxhall Keene, and ridden by
Martin Henry, the American jockey. The filly was,
however, trained by an Englishman.

The American invasion of the British Turf is no new
thing. Nearly fifty years ago, Mr. Ten Broeck
brought over Lexington and her stable companion
Priorus, who won the Cesarewitch after a dead heat.

337

The American Jockey

Mr. Whitney, who won the Derby this year, and
threatened to leave the English turf as the result of
the sentence upon Lester Reiff by the Jockey Club,
only began racing in England in 1899. The most
notable American on the English turf is Mr. Richard
Croker, who has established himself at Wantage, and
finds the English racecourse his most delightful tonic.

Newmarket for 1901 closed in a blaze of triumph
for the Americans. Of the five leading events, includ-
ing the Cambridgeshire, only one was won by a horse
in which Americans were not directly interested. Two
of the five chief winners were bred in America ; three
of the winners were trained by an American, and four
were ridden by American jockeys.

The American owner is, however, of less importance
to the mass of the public than the American jockey,
whose style of riding first startled and then dazzled
his English competitors. The American jockey sits
upon the shoulders of his horse, almost on the neck,
a method of horsemanship which in the opinion of
Mr. Croker is equivalent to a reduction of the riding
weight to the extent of half a stone. Sloan and the
two Reiffs found little difficulty in taking a first place
among the winning jockeys of the last two or three
years.

Unfortunately the brilliance of their success has been
somewhat marred by the censure passed upon Sloan
and Lester Reiff by the Jockey Club. The verdict
upon Reiff was confined solely to one race at Man-
chester, in which he was accused of not having done
his best to win. Sloan in 1899 is said to have received
£15,000 as his riding fees, and to have won as much

338

Horse and Trainer

more in wagers. Mr. Huggins, who came over with
Mr. Lorillard, was reputed to have received a salary
of £10,000 a year, plus a percentage on the winnings of
the stable.

There has been a good deal of discussion as to the
secret of the success of American and American
trained horses upon the English turf. One theory
which finds much favor among American authorities
is that the American horse wins for the same reason
that the American citizen is more energetic than his
English rivals. Transatlantic breeders do not breed
in and in like these of England, and they have im-
ported steadily for years past the very best blood of
England, France and Australia. They hold that the
practice of in-breeding tends to make the English horse
unduly nervous.

In leaping the American horse holds the record.
Heatherbloom, last November at New York, cleared
with ease a barrier 7 ft. 4 ins. high. He was given a
sixty yards run. In private practice the week before
he is said to have jumped 7 ft. 8 ins.

Of the success of the American trainer there can be
no doubt. Again and again an American trainer has
taken a horse which was regarded as altogether out of
the running, and has sent him to the post in such a con-
dition that he has won stake after stake. For instance,
Wishard, who turned out more winners in the racing
season of 1900 than any other American, bought Royal
Flush for 400 guineas, trained him for an American,
Mr. Drake; put an American jockey, J. Reiff, upon
his back, and carried off first the Royal Hunt Cup,
and then the Steward's Cup at Goodwood.

339

Other Sports

He afterwards won several plates and handicaps,
and was sold at the end of the season for 1,250 guineas.
It is the brains of the man rather than the breeding
of the horse which enables him to gain the victory. In
one department of racing the Americans have the field
entirely to themselves. No attempt has ever been
made in the United Kingdom to rival the fast trotters of
the United States. At present Cresceus is the cham-
pion trotter of the world, having broken all records this
year by covering the mile in two minutes and two and
a quarter seconds.

Polo is also taking its place among international
events. In 1900, American and English teams com-
peted at Hurlingham, the Americans being beaten by
eight goals to two.

In athletic sports, strictly so called, the contests be-
tween the two nations are kept up very briskly, al-
though the balance even here inclines to the United
States. In most quick races in which everything de-
pends upon the rapidity with which the runner can
obtain a maximum speed, the Americans beat the more
phlegmatic Englishman. When Oxford and Cam-
bridge sent their best men to the United States this
autumn, the English won the half-mile and the mile
and the two miles, all these races being carried off by
Cambridge men. The Americans won the hundred
yards and the quarter mile.

They were also victorious in hammer throwing, the
high jump, the broad jump, and 120 yards over
hurdles. In 1900, when the Americans came over to
Stamford Bridge, they carried off the prizes for the

340

Almost Eclipsed

ioo yards and J4 m^e races. They were also vic-
torious in putting the weight, the high jump, throwing
the hammer, the long jump, and the hurdle race.

The Americans have beaten us in cycling. In box-
ing the Americans have had it their own way. The
championship of the world in the prize ring has gone
to the United States, and is likely to remain there.
This, which was at one time the distinctive sport of
Great Britain, is now practically abandoned to the
Americans. In golf, which the Americans have taken
up keenly of late years, we may expect to find a keen
struggle for the championship. Last year Miss Gene-
vieve Hecker of Connecticut won the American
Woman's Championship, at the age of nineteen.

Hitherto the Americans have not done much in
cricket, but encouraged by the success with which they
defeated a second rate English eleven they are now
preparing to enter the field against us on our own
ground.

It is not without significance that the international
Olympian games, which were revived at the close of
the nineteenth century by a committee, of which
Baron de Coubertin is the chairman, should hold their
next meeting in Chicago. Their first was held at
Athens. This international athletic contest will last
for a month to six weeks, and will be held in September,
1904. The United States Legations and Consuls
throughout Europe will probably act as agents for
distributing information and advertising this fixture,
so as to give it the importance of a great world-wide
fete.

34J

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Sixth

"The American Invasion"

It was not till the close of last century that the
United States could be said to have secured the com-
mercial primacy of the world.* But the fact that they
would supersede us had long been foreseen by the more
prescient amongst us. Conspicuous among these was
Mr. Gladstone, who in 1878 and again in 1890 ex-
pressed in the clearest terms his conviction both as to
the inevitableness of the change, and also, what was
more important, his view as to the way in which it
should be regarded by this country : —

"It is America," he said, "who at a given time and prob-
ably will wrest from us that commercial primacy. We have
no title: I have no inclination to murmur at the prospect.
If she acquires it, she will make the acquisition by the right

* The following figures condense into a nutshell the story
of the last thirty years' material progress of the United States.
[In millions.]
Products. 1870. 1880. 1890. 1900.

Wheat (bu.) 287.7 4594 309-2 522.2

Corn (bu.) 760.9 1754-8 14899 2105.1

Cotton (bales) 3.1 57 7-3 9-4

Wool (lbs.) 162.0 232.5 276.0 288.6

Petroleum (gals., 1877) • • 3835 836.3 1476.8 2396.9
Bit. coal (tons, 1876) 28.9 38.2 99-3 J72-6

342

Gladstone's Prophecy

of the strongest ; but in this instance the strongest means
the best. She will probably become what we are now — head
servant in the great household of the world, the employer
of all employed, because her service will be the most and
ablest. We have no more title against her than Venice, or
Genoa, or Holland has against us."

The moral which he drew from the certainty of
our relegation to a secondary position was one to which
unfortunately we have given but little heed. Mr.
Gladstone in 1878, as previously in 1866, implored his
countrymen to recognize the great duty of preparing
"by a resolute and sturdy effort to reduce our public
burdens in preparation for a day when we shall prob-
ably have less capacity than we have now to bear
them."

In 1866, when Mr. Gladstone first uttered his mem-
orable warning as to our prospective loss of com-
mercial primacy, our national expenditure amounted
to £66,000,000. Thirty-four years afterwards the ex-
tent of our response to his appeal for "a sturdy and
resolute effort" may be gauged by the fact that our
expenditure for 1900-1 amounted to £183,592,000
sterling, and we are still engaged in a war which will
indefinitely increase the weight of the burdens which
we shall have to bear in future.

As to the fact that we could not possibly hope to
hold our own against the United States, Mr. Glad-
stone had no doubt whatever. He said : —

"While we have been advancing with portentous rapidity,
America is passing us by as if in a canter. There can hardly
be a doubt, as between America and England, of the belief
that the daughter at no very distant time (it was written in
1878) will, whether fairer or less fair, be unquestionably
yet stronger than the mother.''

343

Topsy-Turvy Business Methods

The process, inevitable in any case, would, he
thought, be accelerated if the Americans adopted Free
Trade.

"If America," he wrote in 1890, "shall frankly adopt and
steadily maintain a system of Free Trade, she will by degrees,
perhaps not slow degrees, outstrip us in the race, and will
probably take the place which at present belongs to us ; but
she will not injure us by the operation. On the contrary,
she will do us good. Her freedom of trade will add to our
present commerce and our present wealth, so that we shall
be better than we are now."

A remark which is hardly consistent with his previ-
ous warning as to the necessity for our reducing our
probable burdens on the ground that our capacity to
bear them would be not greater, but less than it is
now.

Few things are more topsy-turvy than the popular
notions concerning trade. Convictions which are
most firmly held by millions of people are demonstrably
false, but they influence legislation, they dictate pol-
itics, and they dominate public opinion. Take, for
instance, the balance of trade. It is admitted that all
trade is barter, and that no nation will part with its
goods to another nation without receiving a corre-
sponding equivalent.

If two persons are doing business with one another,
and Mr. Jones sends £ 1,000 worth of wool to Mr.
Smith, he expects to receive back goods of equal value.
On the other hand, if instead of receiving say coal to
the value of £1,000 in exchange for the £1,000 worth of
wool he receives coal only to the value of £750, every
one would admit, and Mr. Jones first of all, that he
was £250 to the bad. He sent out goods worth £1,000,
344

A Paradox

and only received in return commodities to the value
of £250.

What can be more obvious ? But the moment you
substitute for Mr. Jones and Mr. Smith two nations,
and you raise the value from a thousand to a hundred
millions, people believe and assert that it is an advan-
tage to export a hundred millions' worth of goods and
receive only seventy-five millions' worth in exchange.
If any man went on trading, giving £1,000 worth of
wool for £750 of coal, every one admits that he would
go straight to the Bankruptcy Court ; but if a nation
sends out a hundred millions' worth of exports and
only receives in exchange seventy-five millions, the na-
tion whose imports are 25 per cent, less than her ex-
ports declares that the balance of trade is in her favor
to the extent of twenty-five millions a year!

Political economists have repeatedly and labori-
ously explained that the excess of exports is a balance
against the exporting nation, but nothing seems to be
able to shake the inveterate delusion that a nation
which exports more than it imports makes a profit to
the extent of the difference.

That is one paradox. Another which is at present
even more widely diffused on this side of the Atlantic
is that a nation is injured when it is able to buy the
goods that it requires more cheaply from another na-
tion than they could be produced at home. Take, for
instance, this question of the so-called American "inva-
sion." It is obvious that there would be no foothold
for the American invader in this country if he were
not welcomed by the inhabitants of this country.

345

Why the Invasion Succeeds

The American invasion succeeds because the Amer-
ican invaders are able to give the British purchaser
either better or cheaper goods, so that he gets more
value for his money than he would get by trading with
any one else. If the American invasion was a bad
thing for us, we could only be compelled to take Amer-
ican goods by compulsion exercised either at the point
of the bayonet, or in some other way. The very re-
verse is the fact. The American invasion prospers
because Englishmen and Europeans find it more to
their personal interest and individual profit to deal with
Americans rather than to deal with their own country-
men.

The presence of the American invaders in our
midst is resented as if it were an outrage on inter-
national amity, as if the Americans bearing gifts in
their hands were bent upon doing us the greatest pos-
sible injury. It is, of course, perfectly true that the
manufacturer who produces dearer goods finds the
presence of the American competitor who supplies
cheaper goods or better goods very inconvenient ; and,
unless he can compete on equal terms, he will go to the
wall. But if he goes to the wall, he goes there by the
very choice of the people of this country, each one of
whom, when he has sixpence to spend, is as absolute as
any Tsar or Kaiser as to the way in which he will dis-
pose of that particular coin of the realm which he has
in his pocket when he goes out to shop.

It is the more extraordinary that this doctrine should
have obtained so much hold among Englishmen, of all
people in the world. Although to-day we are all talk-
346

Following the Lead

ing of the American invasion, for the last hundred
years it has been the peculiar glory of Englishmen
that they have invaded victoriously all the neutral
markets of the world, and that they have supplied
cheaper goods and better goods to the inhabitants of
every continent. It is obvious that what for a hun-
dred years has been an exploit justifying us in ac-
claiming ourselves as the benefactors of humanity can-
not become a cause of complaint when the people who
are conferring this benefit happen not to be domiciled
in the United Kingdom, but are English-speaking men
who are domiciled in the United States of America.

The outcry which has been made against American
competition, which may be excused in all protectionist
countries, is singularly out of place in the mouths of
the great free-trading nation which, for fifty years past,
has proclaimed aloud in the hearing of all mankind
the supreme duty of buying in the cheapest market and
selling in the dearest. The Americans are only doing
to-day what we have to the uttermost of our ability
been endeavoring to do ever since they came into
existence, and unless the recognized principles of
political economy upon which we have acted since the
days of Peel and Gladstone are exploded heresies, the
presence of these invaders in our midst is not an evil
but a blessing, however much for the moment it may be
disguised.

It is therefore in no unfriendly spirit that we direct
our attention to what, for convenience' sake, we con-
tinue to call the American invasion. Let us see, in the
first place, with what weapons these invaders from the

347

Britain the Debtor

New World are able to possess themselves of markets
which we have hitherto regarded as our own. The
first and by far the greatest weapon by which the
Americans have made the economic conquest of the Old
World is in the supply of foodstuffs.

The old saying that it is ill to look a gift horse in
the mouth surely should be borne in mind by those
who are fed from day to day by the produce of Amer-
ican wheatfields and the slaughter-yards of Chicago.
With the exception of the Russian Empire and Hun-
gary, there is hardly a country in Europe which is
capable of feeding its own population with the prod-
ucts of its own fields. Lancashire has boasted and
still boasts of its achievement in clothing the naked,
but man needs to fill his stomach even before he covers
his body, and the feeding of the hungry takes pre-
cedence as an act of charity of the clothing of the
naked.

The ingenuity of American mechanism, and the skill
of American engineers, have been employed for a
generation past in reducing the bread-bill of the British
working man. Incidentally this has brought in its
wake agricultural depression among a minority of
our people, but the immense majority have fed and
grown fat upon American harvests and the beef and
pork of American farms. If it is an evil thing to
have cheap bread, then the Americans were undoubt-
edly doing us an injury.

If, on the other hand, the very existence of our
manufactures and our capacity to command the mar-
kets of the world depends absolutely upon cheap food,
348

A Spoon-Fed People

then the Americans have been of all people our great-
est benefactors. Imagine, for instance, if some great
speculator were able to effect such a corner in Amer-
ican foodstuffs as to absolutely forbid the importation
of a single carcase or a single cargo of grain, where
should we be ? We should be face to face with famine,
and the whole forty millions of us would be alternately
filling the air with execrations against the speculator
who had cut off our supply of food from the United
States, or imploring him for the love of God to relax
his interdict, and allow our people once more to profit
by drawing supplies from the American store.

It may be replied that if American supplies were cut
off, there would be a great revival of agricultural pros-
perity in this country ; but if the price of the quartern
loaf were doubled and quadrupled, we should not be
able to supply sufficient food to feed our population.
We are absolutely spoon-fed from day to day by the
Americans.

Possibly, in time to come, from India, from
Australia, and from Canada, we may hope to render
ourselves independent of American produce ; but that
would be no benefit to the British farmer, and we
should have to wait many a year before we could se-
cure from our fellow-subjects the supplies which we
need from day to day.

After food, the second great article by which the
Americans have invaded our markets is raw material,
notably cotton. It is not yet forty years since Lan-
cashire was reduced to the verge of starvation by the
outbreak of the Civil War in America which deprived

349

American Benefactions

it of the raw material of its staple industry. There
we had actual experience of the stoppage of American
supplies, an experience the like of which no one who
lived through the Lancashire cotton famine wishes to
repeat.

If we eliminate all food-products and all raw ma-
terials from American exports, we have accounted for
a bulk sufficient, and more than sufficient, to pay for
all our exports to the United States. The cry of
alarm which has been raised has been produced by
neither of the two great staples of American exports,
but by the appearance among us of American manu-
factured goods. But even here a very large propor-
tion of the American goods are such as we are either
unable, or have not yet equipped ourselves sufficiently
to provide.

The Americans have brought to us a host of in-
genious inventions and admirably perfected machines
which we are incapable of producing for ourselves.
No one can say that in sending us the typewriter, the
sewing-machine, the Linotype, the automobile, the
phonograph, the telephone, the elevator, and the in-
candescent electric light, they invaded any British
industry. These things were their inventions. After
they were introduced, we imitated some of them or
invented others on the same principle, but they first
opened up the new fields. They were as much bene-
factors to us in this respect as the missionary who in-
troduces ploughs to a savage tribe which never used
anything but the spade and hoe.

That each and all these inventions were benefits to

350

Laggards in Trade

us is attested by the fact that we have bought them
eagerly, and continue to buy them. Several of our
manufacturers who have been taught by Americans
how to make these things, yet cry out that they are
being invaded and ruined by American competition,
whereas but fcr the Americans these appliances would
never have been in demand in this country.

It is not until we come to the fourth category of
American imports that we come upon ground in which
there is a semblance of justification for the complaint
that our manufacturers or our workmen are injured
by American competition. This covers the wide field
in which our people have failed to produce articles
comparable in excellence to those which the Americans
have offered us.

Conspicuous in this category are printing-machines,
in which the American firm of Hoe introduced a stand-
ard of excellence which immeasurably out-distances
the machines with which our fathers did their print-
ing. After printing-machines come the whole range
of machinery and appliances necessary for the utili-
zation of electricity.

In this respect we have lagged so far behind the
Americans that our manufacturers simply could not
supply the apparatus necessary for harnessing elec-
tricity to the service of modern industry.

The Americans have done with electricity what the
British did with steam at the beginning of the last
century.

We were the first to realize the incalculable develop-
ment that was latent in the invention cf Bolton and

35*

The Proof of the Pudding

Watt. We got in ahead of the rest of the world, and
we profited accordingly. All the nations came to us
for steam-engines, just as we are going to the United
States for dynamos and all the elaborate, ingenious
and costly apparatus necessary for working electric
trolleys, "Twopenny Tubes," and so forth. Here no
fair-minded man can say that we have any reason to
complain.

It is the early bird that catches the worm, and if we
did not wake up to the immense potentiality of elec-
tricity, electric motors, electric power machines, and
electric traction, that is our fault, and we have no one
to blame but ourselves. We want these things. We
want them now. We cannot afford to wait until our
neighbors in the next street wake up to a conscious-
ness of the fact that fortunes are to be made in the
supply of electrical apparatus. Therefore we go to
our kinsmen across the sea. That they are willing and
ready to supply us is a thing we should be grateful
for. As a matter of fact as individuals we are thank-
ful to them, the best proof of which is that we are will-
ing to pay them millions of money for the privilege of
being supplied with the machines which we want.

As it is with the appliances necessary for the util-
ization of electricity, so it is to a greater or less extent
with what may be described as tools of precision neces-
sary for turning out the exact work needed in the mod-
ern engineering industry. Fifteen years ago Sir
Hiram Maxim complained bitterly to me of the fact
that when he came over to this country to manufac-
ture Maxim guns, he found it impossible to buy in all

352

American Exports

Britain the tools which he needed. The old tools,
compared to what he needed, were as the flint tools of
our early ancestors to a steel knife.

The perfect tool represents an advance in civiliza-
tion. The clumsy and ineffective tool is a mark of
barbarism. Savages no doubt object to be civilized,
but it is not for us to complain that we have been, how-
ever reluctantly, forced first to use and then to manu-
facture the more effective tools, which were first
brought into use by our American kinsmen.

A very interesting little book by Mr. Fred Mac-
kenzie, "The Invaders," has been published recently.
It consists of a reprint of a series of articles which
originally appeared in the columns of the Daily Mail.
Mr. Mackenzie is one of the rising younger pressmen of
London, and his little book deserves the attentive pe-
rusal of all persons interested in this subject. Mr. Mac-
kenzie writes a bright and lively style, but when you
examine his book you will find that most of the
triumphs of which the American invaders have to
boast are in fields which we have left them free to
occupy.

Typewriters, he tells us, are imported from New
York at an average value of £200,000 a year. The
British Government had to buy their telephones for
London from the Western Electric Company of
Chicago. In electric traction half of the motors on
British street cars are American.

The Central Railway Company was equipped by the
New York General Electric Company, and another
New York firm boasts that they have supplied eleven

353

American Exports

of the leading street electric tramlines in Great Britain.
The new West London lines and two dozen others
are supplied with a street car equipment from New
York.

The Eastman Kodak Company imports £200,000
worth of American photographic apparatus every year.
A similar amount of money is spent every year in the
purchase of American sewing machines. The sale of
American drugs in Great Britain amounts to very
nearly a quarter of a million a year. The Americans
are importing soda-water fountains, blouses for
women, carpet-sweepers, darning machines, patching
up apparatus, and all manner of similar inventions
which we had not even the sense to desire nor the in-
genuity to produce upon the market. Our purchase
of American pumps and pumping-machines, American
pipes and fittings represent between £300,000 and
£400,000 a year.

The American machine tool, Mr. Mackenzie says,
is triumphant everywhere. Fifty American anneal-
ing furnaces are in use at Woolwich Arsenal, and in
Sheffield the makers are using an American apparatus.
The most effective passage in Mr. Mackenzie's book is
the following : — ■

"In the domestic life we have got to this: The
average man rises in the morning from his New Eng-
land sheets, he shaves with 'Williams' ' soap and a
Yankee safety razor, pulls on his Boston boots over
his socks from North Carolina, fastens his Connec-
ticut braces, slips his Waltham or Waterbury watch
in his pocket, and sits down to breakfast. There he

354

American Exports

congratulates his wife on the way her Illinois straight-
front corset sets off her Massachusetts blouse, and he
tackles his breakfast, where he eats bread made from
prairie flour (possibly doctored at the special estab-
lishments on the lakes), tinned oysters from Balti-
more and a little Kansas city bacon, while his wife
plays with a slice of Chicago ox-tongue. The chil-
dren are given 'Quaker' oats. At the same time he
reads his morning paper printed by American ma-
chines, on American paper, with American ink, and,
possibly, edited by a smart journalist from New York
city.

"He rushes out, catches the electric tram (New
York) to Shepherd's Bush, where he gets in a Yan-
kee elevator to take him on to the American-fitted elec-
tric railway to the City.

"At his office, of course, everything is American.
He sits on a Nebraskan swivel chair, before a Michigan
roll-top desk, writes his letters on a Syracuse type-
writer, signing them with a New York fountain pen,
and drying them with a blotting-sheet from New
England. The letter copies are put away in files man-
ufactured in Grand Rapids.

"At lunch-time he hastily swallows some cold roast
beef that comes from the Mid-West cow. and flavors
it with Pittsburg pickles, followed by a few Delaware
tinned peaches, and then soothes his mind with a couple
of Virginia cigarettes.

"To follow his course all day would be wearisome.
But when evening comes he seeks relaxation at the
latest American musical comedy, drinks a cocktail or

355

Mr. Carnegie's Opinion

some Californian wine, and finishes up with a couple
of 'little liver pills' 'made in America.' ':

What will be the ultimate destiny of Great Britain
from an economic point of view ? It depends upon the
Britons. Mr. Carnegie is of a different opinion. He
thinks it depends upon the mineral resources of the
country. Three years ago he laid down as an axiom
that "raw materials have now power to attract capital,
and also to attract and develop labor for their manu-
facture in close proximity, and that skilled labor is
losing the power it once had to attract raw materials
to it from afar."

If this be an axiom, then our cotton mills will
migrate from Lancashire to the Southern States of
America. The iron trade of the world will be local-
ized at Pittsburg. Mr. Carnegie, who is a philosopher
in his way, maintains that no nation in future will be
able permanently to maintain a greater population
than it can feed and support with its own products.

"The destiny of the Old Country seems to me very
plain. You will be the family seat of the race. Your
manufactures will go one after the other, but you
will become more and more popular as the garden and
pleasure-ground of the race, which will always regard
Great Britain as its ancestral home. Probably you will
be able to support 15,000,000, not more."

It is well to cultivate a healthy scepticism concerning
all such predictions. So far as we can see from the
trend of events at the present moment the producing
power of Great Britain is likely to undergo an immense
increase, because Great Britain is beginning to be

356

The Awakening

energized by the electric current of American ideas
and American methods. Lord Rosebery recently
said : — ■

"In these days we need to be inoculated with some
of the nervous energy of Americans. That is true of
individuals, admittedly true, but is it not also true of
the nation?"

He uttered a truth which is even now being largely
acted upon. For the last twelve months there has
been a constant pilgrimage across the Atlantic from
the Old Country, in which our manufacturers, our rail-
way managers, our ship-builders, our iron-makers, our
merchant princes, have been wending their way to the
United States for the purpose of learning the secret,
by which the Americans are beginning to beat us in
our own market. The British race is a tough race, and
it has long been a national boast that the Englishman
never knows when he is beaten.

But that is not the only encouraging sign. Here and
there all over the country we can see British firms
adopting American methods, and beating the Ameri-
cans at their own game. In the supply of electrical ap-
paratus, a British firm in the north of England, which
has frankly recognized the conditions of modern in-
dustry, has imported American managers, American
machinery and American methods, and is already be-
ginning successfully to compete with the American
companies for the supply of all manner of electrical
appliances.

What the Preston Electric Company have done others
are doing. The attempt of the Americans to rush the

357

Colonizing Great Britain

cycle trade proved the British bicycle more than cap-
able of holding its own against the American cycle.
The American watch for a time swept everything be-
fore it. The English, at any rate, have shown that
they are capable of holding their own. They are lay-
ing down plant in London for the making and supply-
ing of office furniture which will compete with the
best American.

Depend upon it that John Bull is not going to take
his beating lying down, but the enterprise of English
firms will hardly be able to cope with the increasing
numbers of Americans who are crossing the Atlantic
for the purpose of establishing themselves in business
here. The most conspicuous illustration of this mov-
ing of American capital back to the old home of the
race is the Westinghouse Company's works near Man-
chester, directed by American managers, and managed
on American principles. With these Americans who
settle in our midst the Old Country will become the
new home of the American colonists.

One American institution, the New York Mutual
Life Insurance, occupies a most palatial pile of build-
ings in the city of London, and its manager, an Amer-
ican born, is more British than a Britisher.

The American soda-water fountain is now manu-
factured in the city of London. Before long we shall
see established in our midst American hotels, and al-
ready at the corner of Wellington Street and the
Strand, on the site occupied by the Morning Post office
and the old Gaiety Theatre, a building is being erected
which, according to its promoters, will be the largest

358

He Who Laughs Last

building to be used as an office in the world. Before
long, Siegel, Cooper & Co., and Mr. Wanamaker will
be setting up their huge stores in our midst.

Mr. Yerkes is preparing to electrify the Under-
ground, and revolutionize the whole of our street rail-
ways. Mr. Milholland and Mr. Batchelar are im-
patiently waiting for permission to lay down pneu-
matic tubes all over London by which all parcels will
be shot underground from one end of London to the
other. John Bull will have to smarten up; there will
be a difficult quarter of an hour for the old gentleman,
but the results will probably astonish no one so much
as those Americans who have been calmly selling the
lion's skin before the lion was dead.

359

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Seventh

Railways, Shipping: and Trusts

Although there are 200,000 miles of railway in the
United States alone, the railway itself is but a thing of
yesterday. A curious reminder of this was afforded
us this year by the unearthing in Iowa by some enter-
prising pressmen of the very man who drove Stephen-
son's "Rocket" on the eventful day when on the open-
ing of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway the train
knocked down and killed Mr. Huskisson. Edward
Entwhistle was a Lancashire lad of eighteen when
George Stephenson took him out of the engine-shop
and put him at the throttle of the "Rocket" on the open-
ing day. He is now a man of eighty-six.

After acting as engine-driver on the Liverpool and
Manchester for over two years, he emigrated to Amer-
ica in 1837, where he took up the trade of stationary
engineer. He is still in good health and sufficiently
alert to be capable of giving occasional addresses on
his reminiscences of Stephenson, in which, judging
from the newspaper reports, Mr. Huskisson reappears

360

The Bridge Builders

as Lord Erkinson, so that the span of a single life
easily covers the whole of the railway era.

It may be regarded as symbolic that the first engine-
driver should so soon have emigrated to the United
States, as if divining by some secret unconscious in-
stinct that it was there the genius of Stephenson would
bear its richest fruits. By every test, whether quanti-
tative or qualitative, the American stands out facile
princeps in all things connected with the railway. To
begin with, he has built nearly half the railways in the
world.

Not only has he spanned his own continent with a
perfect gridiron of metalled way, but he is now carry-
ing off contracts for the bridge work, which, with the
exception of tunnelling, constitutes the most diffi-
cult and delicate of all the operations of railway struc-
ture. But it was only yesterday that their pre-emi-
nence as bridge builders dawned upon the British pub-
lic, which has even yet hardly recovered from the
shock of discovering that all the Queen's horses and
all the Queen's men were incapable of conquering the
Soudan without resorting to the humiliating necessity
of accepting an American tender for the building of a
bridge across the Atbara.

The British could have built it themselves, no doubt,
but they could not do the work up to time. Few in-
cidents caused more chagrin, and the most conclusive
explanations were speedily forthcoming to prove how
easily the British builders could have done the task if
they had only had a reasonable notice and been treated
with reasonable fairness.

36*

Bridging the World

These explanations, apparently conclusive, tempo-
rarily allayed John Bull's ill-humor, but it was only for
a time. Last autumn the American Bridge Company
carried off contracts for constructing no fewer than
twenty-eight bridges and viaducts required to com-
plete the Uganda Railway.

The work is now in active progress, and the bridges
are in process of shipment across the Atlantic for
Uganda, one of the territories which was occupied for
the express purpose of developing British trade in
South Africa. Money is being poured out like water
in order to secure this market for British manufac-
tured goods, and lo ! the American steps in and carries
off the contracts for building these bridges without
having incurred a penny of expense or an atom of
responsibility in opening up the country.

The same thing is occurring in other parts of the
world. The Americans have just built the largest
bridge in the world over the Goktein in Upper Burma.
And as it is with bridges, so it promises to be with
rails. Mr. Rhodes experienced a cruel shock when
in opening tenders for the construction of the south-
ern end of his Cape to Cairo Railway, he discovered
that Mr. Carnegie was able to deliver steel rails in
South Africa at a lower price than any English manu-
facturer.

The patriotic pride of the South African Colossus
prompted him to take advantage of a technical flaw
in Mr. Carnegie's contract in order to accept the ten-
der of a British firm ; but to this day he feels uneasy at
the remembrance of the subterfuge to which he had

362

Ten Per Cent. Preferences

to resort in order to keep the trade in British hands.
''It would have been too bad," he said, somewhat pa-
thetically, "to think of my Cape to Cairo line being
made with American rails !"

In war, as in peace, it is the same thing. While the
Imperial Government was importing American mules
by the thousand from New Orleans to give mobility
to its flying columns at the seat of war, the Cape Gov-
ernment was placing contracts with American engi-
neers for engines which could not be supplied from
British workshops, even although, as the Colonial
Government plaintively explained, it gave a ten per
cent, preference to British manufactures. But it is
impossible long to carry on business in which con-
tracts, like kissing, go by favor, and not to the best
tender ; and such devices as ten per cent, preferences
and the like are neither more nor less than a confession
of defeat. If British engineers can only hold their
own with a ten per cent, adverse handicap against
their American competitors, the question is ended, and
the superiority of the Yankee is attested by the very
terms of the competition insisted upon by his rival.

As it is with bridges and with rails, so it is even
more conspicuously with American locomotives.
They are not artistic toys, the giant engines which do
the haulage of a continent, neither do they require
one month in the paintshop, as is said to be the case in
our own Midland Railway. But they are the strong-
est haulers in the world, and they go at the greatest
speed. America holds the world's record both for
speed at all distances and for the weight of the

363

American Locomotives

trains hauled by a single locomotive. Philadelphia
railway expresses are constantly timed to run at
sixty ?siv miles an hour, and it is nothing unusual
for trains when under pressure to dash along the
metal way at the rate of eighty to eighty-four miles an
hour. The tendency is ever towards more and more
powerful engines, with heavier haulage capacity.

The Americans laugh to scorn what they regard as
the toy cars in use in the Old World. At one time
their average freight cars weighed ten tons, and only
carried their own weight. To-day they weigh fifteen
tons and carry thirty. A single engine will grapple a
quarter of a mile of these cars, loaded to their utmost
capacity, and make no complaint if half a dozen extra
are hitched on behind. The result of this continual
development in the direction of greater haulage capa-
city is that the freight on American railways is about
half what it is in this country.

The United States at one time imported locomotives
from this country. They are now exporting loco-
motives to all parts of the British Empire. Recently
the reputation of the American engine has been some-
what prejudiced, first, by the inferior quality of loco-
motives sent to Australia ; secondly, by an adverse
report made by the Locomotive Superintendent of the
Midland Railway as to the extra working cost of an
American engine. He reported that as the result of
a six months' trial, the American engine cost 20 to 25
per cent, more for fuel, 50 per cent, more for oil, and
60 per cent, more for repairs. This report was re-
ceived with a chorus of delight in English papers;

364

Interesting Comparisons

but, as was immediately pointed out by an American
writer in an interesting paper published in the World s
Work for November, under the title of "The American
Locomotive Abroad," the Midland Report was far
from conclusive for several reasons.

First, the so-called American engines were not of
the pure American type, but were modified to meet
English ideas; secondly, the report gives no informa-
tion as to the amount of coal burned, oil used, or
money spent in repairs. The American locomotives
may have burned 25 per cent, more coal, but, on the
other hand, they may have been capable of hauling 50
per cent, more freight; and as for the repairs, 60 per
cent, against the Americans looks very formidable,
but if the total repairs on either engine did not amount
to more than 10s., a difference even of 100 per cent,
would mean nothing. All attempts to draw informa-
tion from the Midland superintendent on this point
have failed to elicit any facts beyond those contained
in the report.

It is a notable fact, says the writer of the article al-
ready quoted, that the first American locomotive ever
imported into England was built sixty years ago for
the purpose of enabling the English railway manager
to prove that it was possible to haul loaded trains up
a steep incline in the Birmingham-Gloucester Rail-
wav. Four engines were ordered in 1840, and they
triumphantly accomplished their task. Thus, says Mr.
Cunnliff, the author of "The American Locomotive
Abroad," the Birmingham and Gloucester line, on
which the American engines first made their reputa-

365

Locomotive Exports

tion, is now part of the Midland, whose officers have
recently tried to ruin that reputation. The engines
cf 1840 and those of 1900 were both built in the same
workshops.

The Baldwin Locomotive Works of Philadelphia
alone export about one locomotive a clay, year in,
year out. In 1899 and 1900 they shipped 701 locomo-
tives to the following countries : —

Canada
Alaska
Porto Rico
Ecuador
Chile

England
Belgium
Norway-

Manchuria
Japan

Algeria
Uganda

NORTH AND SOUTH AMERICA.

Nova Scotia Newfoundland British Columbia

Mexico Costa Rica Cuba

Hawaii Yucatan San Domingo

Colombia Peru Brazil

EUROPE.
Ireland France

Holland Bavaria

Sweden Finland

ASIA AND AUSTRALIA.
Siberia India

Burma Assam

AFRICA.
Tunis Soudan

Cape Colony

Spain

Denmark

Russia

China
Victoria

Egypt

This represents themajorpartof the American trade,
for the other firms only brought the total export up to
525 engines for one year. For heavy hauls on steep
gradients the American engines appear to leave all
their rivals far behind. There is said to be only one
English locomotive left in the United States. It is on
the Pennsylvania Railroad, and its driver is said to
have reported as follows : "It is a good enough engine

366

Contrasted Methods

when it has nothing to do, but when it has a load be-
yond its drawbar, it sits down and looks at yon with
tears in its eyes."

Patriotic prejudice, no doubt, impedes for a time
the introduction of American locomotives into many
countries, and in Russia it would seem the distribution
of orders is often governed more by political than by
commercial considerations. Another obstacle against
which they have to contend, is that their enormous
weight requires the rebuilding of bridges and relay-
ing of contracts.

Mr. Cunnliff tells a story that an English firm, hav-
ing received notice that the engines which they sup-
plied to New Zealand were unsuited to the colonial
tracks and bridges, replied : "Then rebuild your tracks
and bridges, and we will furnish you with this sort
of locomotives or none." Mr. Cunnliff maintains that
an American builder would have replied, "Expect
new designs by the first of the month." This is no
doubt true, but as a matter of fact the American loco-
motive builder is compelling the reconstruction of
tracks and bridges, none the less certainly because he
is less domineering in relation to individual contrac-
tors. The American practice of standardizing all
parts of the machine, and of continually increasing
the weight in order to get a still increased haulage
power, necessitates alteration in the permanent way,
for the railway in the long run has always to be built
to suit the locomotive, not the locomotive to suit the
railway.

Air. Cunnliff thus lucidly explains the contrast be-

367

Contrasted Methods

tween engine-building in the New World and the Old :
"An American builder builds an engine to wear it out.
Scrupulous attention is paid to all working parts, as
any one can see who visits a great locomotive plant.
The mechanism of each machine is made easily acces-
sible. Parts are interchangeable, so that repairs can
be made with speed. No unnecessary paint is wasted.
As soon as the machine is finished, it is put in com-
mission and driven day and night with the heaviest
loads it can stagger under. It goes into the repair
shop only when it requires overhauling. Men are
hired to run it at good wages, men of ability and intel-
ligence, with a typically American personal interest
in their charge. Under such methods the engine is
banged through a quarter century of strenuous ac-
tivity, and then antiquated, worn out, superseded by
advanced types, it goes to the scrap heap. The result
is profit.

"In England — and in France, for that matter — an
engine is built to last. Twenty years after it has been
superseded by newer and better types, a locomotive is
as tenderly cared for as ever. The result is decreas-
ing dividends.''

Of course, if, as Mr. Cunnliff asserts, Americans can
deliver engines in Japan at £2,000, which do better
work than English engines which cost £3,000, it is
out of the question to talk about competition, except
such competition as is said to prevail between Lombard
Street and a China orange. The moral of it all is in
this, as in every thing else, that the American success

368

Startling Figures

has been obtained by skilled workmanship and busi-
nesslike methods.

Mr. Chauncey M. Depew in his address to railway
men at the Buffalo Exhibition gave some very interest-
ing figures as to the growth of the American railroad.
Railway freight rates in the United States were, he
said, almost exactly one-third of what they were when
he entered the service in 1866. At the same time the
wages of the railway men have nearly doubled, the
precise increase being 87^2 per cent.

As there are more than a million of them, the gain
in the weekly wage bill of America from this source
alone is enormous. Their annual pay bill for wages is
£125,000,000, or 60 per cent, of the cost of operating
the lines. The United States with only 6 per cent,
of the land surface of the world has 40 per cent, of
the railroad track. Its 193,000 mileage is six times
that of any other nation, and Mr. Depew declares that
they haul more freight every year than is moved by all
the railways and all the ships of Great Britain, France,
and Germany combined.

An American engine recently hauled a train three-
fourths of a mile in length at the rate of 20 miles an
hour. The gross weight behind the engine was over
3,000 tons. Another engine on a New York railway
developed 1,142 horse power. The average load of
an American freight train is 2,000 tons, that of the
English only 600. The General Superintendent of
the London and Western Railway, who has just re-
turned from an inspection of American lines, reported

369

British Ship-Building

that in passenger traffic we have little to learn, but
that we ought to revolutionize our goods traffic.

He said : "Our freight system is wasteful. Amer-
ican goods engines can haul two or three times as
much weight by one train as we can. We must have
heavier goods locomotives. We must also have air
brakes on goods trains. At present the only brakes
on our trains are the engine brakes and the brakes at
the end of the train. In consequence of improved
appliances the American railways not only haul
heavier freights, but run much faster than ours. I
shall urge the extension of the American system of
pneumatic signalling for interlocking, which gives
such excellent results on American lines."

In ship-building we are holding our own. It is
true that the Americans have begun to build a few
ships, but as yet they have been badly beaten in any
attempt to produce ships at the prices at which they
can be turned out on the Tyne, the Clyde, or at
Belfast.

Whether we shall be able permanently to maintain
our position in ship-building, or victoriously to repel
any further attacks upon our iron and steel manu-
factures, are questions for the answers to which we
have to wait. But there is certainly no reason to
despair. Our manufacturers have as much work as
they can get through, and so far we have not seen any
great branch of British industry disorganized and its
workmen thrown out of employment owing to the ad-
vent of the American invaders.

In the building of swift ocean greyhounds we are

370

American Ship-Building

beaten by Germany as in the building of racing yachts
we are beaten by America. And although we still can
plume ourselves upon our ability to build more
cheaply than any other nation, this may not last. Dr.
von Halle, who was sent out by the German Admiralty
to make an investigation of the shipyards of Europe
and America, reported that the new Camden works in
New Jersey were destined to be one of the model
establishments of the world.

Dr. von Halle reported that "the shipyards of the
United States are incomparably equipped for thorough,
economical and rapid production. This is due pri-
marily to the splendid transportation arrangements of
the yard areas, the employment of the most improved
type of hoisting machinery, and the widespread use
of pneumatic tools." They would, he thought, distance
in the near future those of Great Britain, because they
were free from the "tyranny of the workmen."

The Americans, who have been carrying all before
jthem on the land, would have been false to their an-
cestry if they did not hanker after dominion on the
sea. Captain Mahan, whose book on Sea Power has
done more to promote the increase of the Navy both*
in Great Britain and in Germany than any book that
has ever been written, preached his doctrine primarily
for his own people.

President Roosevelt is an enthusiast for a strong
Navy. He does not say in the Kaiser's phrase that
America's future lies upon the sea, because he would
scorn to confine America's future to any element, even
to that which covers three-fourths of the world's sur-

371

Building a Navy

face. But although the Americans have a Navy very
nearly equal to that of Germany, they are not satis-
fied. They have few over-sea possessions to protect,
and despite various fantastic schemes published by
German officers as to a possible descent of a German
expeditionary force on the Atlantic seaboard, they
know perfectly well that they are safe from European
attack.

Nothing will satisfy them but that they must have
ships of commerce and ships of war. As to ships of
war this is merely a matter of expenditure, and as the
embarrassment of the Secretary of the Treasury is to
get rid of the surplus which is unnecessarily taken
from the taxpayers in excess of the needs of the Repub-
lic, there is nothing to hinder the United States build-
ing up as big a Navy as that of Great Britain.

When a nation has a large mercantile marine the
existence of so many tons of shipping is regarded as
an unanswerable argument in favor of building iron-
clads to protect its shipping. In the United States
they have no shipping to protect, so they build a fleet
first, and then say they must create a mercantile marine
in order to keep the building-yards busy, and in order
to rear sailors to man their fighting Navy.

It was this aspiration after ships which led Mr. J.
P. Morgan to make the famous purchase of the Ley-
land line of steamers, which may be regarded as the
first note of the tocsin which has been ringing in our
ears ever since. It is not twelve months since Britain
was startled by the news that Mr. Morgan, on behalf
of an American combination, had bought up the entire

372

The Sale of Ocean Fleets

fleet of Leyland steamers on terms which were much
better than the shareholders could have obtained from
any other purchaser.

The suddenness with which the deal was effected,
and the fact that Mr. Morgan was not an English-
man, and that the Leyland ships were bought on an
American account, struck the imagination of the whole
English-speaking race. British shipowners took the
matter more coolly than the British public, for British
shipowners in dealing with their ships are very much
like the American engineers in handling their engines.
Just as an American is always anxious to work his. en-
gine out so that he may get a new one with the latest
improvements, so the British shipbuilder has never any
objection to sell an old ship in order to raise funds
with which to build a new one.

The Chairman of the Peninsular and Oriental Ship-
ping Company was far from holding up his hands in
holy horror at the Leyland deal, but declared that he
would be very glad to sell the whole fleet of the P. and
O. if terms equally good were offered him by the
Americans or any one else. To get new ships for old
has never been regarded as bad policy by our ship-
owners. It is possible that they may carry things a
little too far, as, for instance, when two British lines
of steamers trading in the Far East were sold to the
Germans with the result that the British flag practi-
cally disappeared from Bangkok, Borneo, and other
regions.

The significance of the incident arose from the fact
that it indicated a determination on the part of the

373

Mr. Gage's Opinion

Americans to acquire a ready-made fleet, from which
we may draw the conclusion that they were so eager
to create a mercantile marine that they were willing
to take secondhand goods rather than wait until new
ships could be bought.

Mr. Gage, in the Report which he presented to Con-
gress at the beginning of the last session, pointed out
that only 8.2 per cent, of American exports and imports
were carried in American ships. This percentage,
says Mr. Gage, "is the smallest in our history. Our
position on the sea, except as a naval power, is insig-
nificant. The Americans have only one line of steam-
ers crossing the Atlantic to Europe, two lines of seven
steamers crossing the Pacific to Asia, and one line of
three steamers to Australia. South of the Caribbean
Sea and the Isthmus there is no regular communica-
tion by American steamers with either coast of South
America.

"This state of things appears deplorable to the nation
which produces more materials for ship-building than
any other, and whose artisans are quite competent to
construct the best ships that have ever crossed the
waves. We build few ships for foreign trade," says
Mr. Gage. "It is desirable that we should build
many. We have very few ships under the flag in
foreign trade. It is desirable that we should have
many." Therefore he recommends as a temporary
expedient that navigation bounties should be estab-
lished in order to overcome the obstacle created by the
fact that Great Britain can build her ships cheaper and
man them more economically than Americans.

374

The Trusts

As the Republican party is split upon the question
of ship-building bounties, it is difficult for outsiders
to estimate what chance there is of the acceptance of
Mr. Gage's proposal.

The thorny and much debated question of trusts
was raised in this country in an active shape by the
action of Mr. Morgan. At first the spectacle of the
Billion Dollar Trust disturbed the equanimity of the
British public. But after a time people began to re-
member that the two most conspicuous figures in Brit-
ish Imperialism both acquired the fortunes which ren-
dered it possible for them to become politically influ-
ential by means of trusts. The De Beers Company is
one of the most gigantic amalgamations in the world.

One by one the competing interests of the diamond-
mine owners in South Africa were bought up or
acquired, until at last Mr. Rhodes and his fellow direc-
tors had an absolute monopoly of the diamond in-
dustry of South Africa. Mr. Rhodes was the pre-
cursor of Mr. Morgan. For the Rockefeller of Brit-
ain we look nearer home. No one has made any com-
plaint of the legitimacy of the methods adopted by
Mr. Morgan or Mr. Rhodes in the buying up of the
competing interests. It is far otherwise with the
methods adopted by Mr. Rockefeller, when he built
up the gigantic monopoly which is known as the
Standard Oil Trust of the United States.

No small portion of the odium which exists in this
country against the American trusts in any shape or
form is due to the influence of Mr. Lloyd's book,
"Wealth against Commonwealth," in which the whole

375

The Trusts

of the process of building up a gigantic monopoly is
described with merciless lucidity. The spectacle is
not a pleasing one. We have fortunately nothing in
the annals of our trade that can be compared to this
extraordinary conspiracy of capital to crush out com-
petition by the use of every method, fair or unfair,
which did not land the conspirators within the grip of
the criminal law. But the art of building up a great
property by crushing out competition, without depart-
ing one hair's-breadth from the line of strict legality,
was one in which Mr. Chamberlain was a past master
who had no need to go to school beyond the Atlantic.

Upon trusts, as upon every other economic question,
there is a great difference of opinion. The late Gov-
ernor Pingree of Michigan saw in the trust a kind of
anti-Christ whose advent in these latter times dark-
ened the horizon of the Republic. On the other hand,
there is a tendency in many quarters to regard the
trust as a practical and by no means illegitimate ap-
plication of the principle of the elimination of wasteful
expense and the cheapening of goods for the general
consumer.

After considerable dubitation, President Roosevelt
seems to have come to the conclusion that it is better
to take the optimistic view of the Trust, and in his in-
augural address he confines himself to a suggestion
that it would be well to turn the bull's-eye of publicity
upon the trust, and to insist upon due investigation
of all its financial methods. This is probably as far
as any President of the United States could go at
present.
376

The Trusts

Of the future of Trusts there is much speculation.
Some, among whom is Sir Christopher Furness, M. P.,
who has just returned from a long tour of inspection
in the United States, think that they will pass with the
impending adoption of Free Trade. It is, however,
by no means a self-evident proposition that the Amer-
ican Trust system will not survive Free Trade. It
may even be the instrument for bringing in Free
Trade. To the ordinary observer it seems much more
probable that the Trust will spread to the United King-
dom than that it will disappear from the United
States.

There is no doubt, of course, that the Tariff and the
Trusts play into each other's hands for the purpose
of picking the pocket of the American consumer.
The Industrial Commission, which has just concluded
its inquiry into the whole question, found from the
replies received from over one hundred manufacturers
that American manufactures are often sold at lower
prices abroad than in the United States.

The home market being secured by the exclusion
of foreign goods, the unfortunate American consumer
pays through the nose in order that the American pro-
ducer may supply the foreigner at cut rates. To sell
the foreigner the best American goods 25 per cent,
below the prices charged to Americans may be very
good for the foreigner, but it can hardly be regarded
as good Americanism. Perhaps it may be accepted
as an illegitimate kind of compensation awarded to
the foreigner for the penalties inflicted upon his goods
by the Tariff.

377

President Roosevelt on Trusts

How to cope with the abuses of Trusts* is a sub-
ject which President Roosevelt has frequently dis-
cussed. His message to the New York Legislature
in January, 1900, when he was Governor of New York,
should be read in connection with his reference to the
subject in his inaugural already quoted. Speaking
as Governor of New York, he said : —

"The chief abuses alleged to arise from Trusts are
probably the following: Misrepresentation or conceal-
ment regarding material facts connected with the or-
ganization of an enterprise : the evils connected with
unscrupulous promotion ; overcapitalization ; unfair
competition resulting in crushing out of competitors
who themselves do not act improperly; raising of
prices above fair competitive rates; the wielding of
increased power over the wage earners.

"We should know authoritatively whether stock rep-
resents the actual value of plants, or whether it
represents brands of good will ; or, if not, what it does
represent, if anything. It is desirable to know how
much was actually bought, how much was issued free,
and to whom, and, if possible, for what reason."

But supposing that the result of turning the bull's-
eye of publicity upon the Trust and subjecting its
method to the microscope of governmental quasi-
judicial investigation were to reveal a clotted mass of
force and fraud, upon which some of the greater
Trusts are said to have been founded, what then?
There are those who imagine that in such circum-

* See on this subject a book. "The Control of Trusts," by
Professor J. B. Clark, of Columbia University.

378

The Tobacco Trust

stances, or, in the case of any exceptionally high-
handed abuse of power by the Trusts, the Federal
Government would step in and exercise the reserved
right of every community to save itself from the loss
of its liberties, by nationalizing the Trust. This is
easier said than done ; but the hope is so strong among
many who are most opposed to the methods of Amer-
ican Capitalism, that they refuse to make any protest,
or to interfere in any way with the legitimate evolu-
tion of economic forces which underlie American
civilization. It is better, they say, that their enemies
should have one neck, for decapitation will be much
easier than if they had a thousand.

If Mr. Morgan's foray for the purpose of buying
the Leyland steamers was our first warning as to the
new factor in international competitive trade, the in-
vasion of the Tobacco Trust was the second, and one
which excited much more interest among the mass of
the people. For comparatively few were affected by
the transfer of the Leyland line. Nearly every other
man in the United Kingdom was affected by the entry
of the American Tobacco Trust into the British field.

They began, as usual, by attempting to purchase
the biggest firms in the British tobacco trade. Fail-
ing with the biggest, as Mr. Astor failed with the
Times, they descended upon the second best, and as
he bought the Pall Mall Gazette, so they bought Og-
den's. The alternative offer to the shareholders was
very simple. Their property was worth at market
quotations £638,000. The Trust offered to buy them
out, paying for the property £818,000 or £180,000 above

379

The Tobacco Trust

the market price. That was the offer to accept or to
refuse. If they accepted it, every shareholder would
enjoy a sudden and immediate increase of his capital,
which he was perfectly free, if so minded, to invest in
establishing- a new tobacco business, and take ad-
vantage of the latest improvements, mechanical or
otherwise.

If, on the other hand, they elected to fight, the im-
mediate result would have been a tumble in the value
of their shares and a diminution in their dividend,
while they would probably be forced to sell in the end
for half the price that the Trust offered. Under these
circumstances it is not surprising that they decided to
sell, and the American Trust, masquerading under the
specious title of the British Tobacco Co., got the neces-
sary foothold, and began at once the operations neces-
sary to secure control of the market.

For the consumer, the immediate result was a reduc-
tion in the price of tobacco, especially of cigarettes,
all round. The advent of the American competitor
compelled the British firms to form a combination, al-
though they did not call it a trust, of their own, under
the title of the Imperial Tobacco Co., for the purpose
of defending their own interests by common action.
The battle has as yet hardly begun, but it has already
yielded handsome first fruits of profit to the news-
papers, in which the competing forces are advertising
very liberally. How long they will keep it up remains
to be seen. But what seems probable is that they
will not succeed in establishing a monopoly, but that
they will materially reduce the profits of the British
companies.
380

The Americanization
of the World

Part Four

The Summing-Up

Chapter First

What is the Secret of American Success?

There is no one secret of American success. It is
due to many causes co-operating to convert the modern
American into a dynamo of energy, and make him the
supreme type of a strenuous life.

American success may be explained in many ways.
A young and vigorous race has been let loose among
the incalculable treasures of a virgin continent. Into
that race there has been poured in lavish profusion the
vital energies of many other races chosen by a process
of natural selection which eliminated the weaker, the
more timid, the less adventurous spirits.

This great amalgam of heterogeneous energies con-
stitutes a new composite race, which found itself free
to face all the problems of the universe without any of

381

A Jew's Analysis

the restraints of prejudices, traditions or old-estab-
lished institutions which encumber the nations of the
Old World. Americans had no swaddling clothes to
cast. They sprang into life like Minerva from the
brain of Jove, without any need to rid themselves of
the garments of infancy.

They had also the immense advantage of an atmos-
phere which in many parts of the continent was a per-
petual exhilaration. All these causes contribute to
American success. They belong to the Americans as
an inalienable possession, nor can wre by any possi-
bility hope to share them. They are as inseparable
from the Continent of America as the Falls of Niagara
or the Mississippi Valley.

But there are other causes which contribute in no
small degree to American success, of which the Amer-
icans have no natural monopoly.

"The success of the Americans," said a cultivated
Jew, who, born in the Old World, had lived for some
time in the New, "may be said to spring from two.
causes. The first is that of the concentration of the
whole genius of the race upon industrial pursuits. In
Germany," he said, "the maintenance, the equipment,
and the organization of the army diverts to the study
of military questions an immense proportion of the
genius of Germans.

"In Italy and France the genius of the people finds its
natural vent in the study of art, or, in the case of the
Roman Church, in theological speculation or in the
management of an immense ecclesiastical organiza-
tion. In England there is a great scattering of energy.

382

The Puritan Spring

The genius of your people expends itself not in one,
but in half-a-dozen directions. You are pre-occupied
with your commerce, with your colonies, and with
your navy.

"You have built up a great literature, and you have
made a positive cultus of sport. But in the United
States the whole undivided genius of the people is
concentrated upon the pursuit of wealth. Hence this
one thing they do and do with all their might, and
therefore easily distance all competitors whose energies
are dissipated upon other channels.

"That is one secret of American success," he con-
tinued. "But there is another to which I attach even
more importance. All power arises from restraint.
Indulgence is the dissipation of energy. For two
hundred years in the New England States, the stern
discipline of Puritan morality, repressed with iron
hand the animal instincts which lead to a self-indulgent
life.

"Each generation which lived and died under that
yoke lived and died voluntarily subjecting itself to a
sterner restraint than that imposed on any nation be-
fore or since. But it accumulated energy which it
transmitted to its descendants. Now in our day we
see that tremendous spring uncoiling with results at
which all the world wonders. The stock of energy
which the New Englanders accumulated in two cen-
turies could only have been acquired, as great for-
tunes are built up, by long years of self-denial, patiently
persisted in despite all temptations. How long it will
last is another question, but at the present moment we

383

Cobden's Accurate Prophecy

can see no sign of that pent-up reservoir of energy
being exhausted."

This, however, does not help us much, for no one can
improvise ancestors of the Puritan type. We must,
therefore, look further afield if we would discover any
American secret by which we may profit.

Within this narrowed range a very little observa-
tion will lead us to discover three of the American
secrets which are capable of export. The first is
Education; the second is increased incentives to Pro-
duction ; and the third is Democracy. It may be well
to examine each of these in turn. Nearly seventy
years ago when Cobden visited the United States, he
laid an unerring finger upon the superior education
of the American common people as the secret of their
growing ascendancy. He said : —

"The universality of education in the United States
is probably more calculated than all others to acceler-
ate their progress towards a superior rank of civiliza-
tion and power. One thirty-sixth portion of all public
lands, of which there are hundreds of thousands of
square miles unappropriated, is laid apart for the pur-
poses of instruction. If knowledge be power, and if
education gives knowledge, then must the Americans
inevitably become the most powerful people in the
world. The very genius of American legislation is
opposed to ignorance in the people, as the most deadly
enemy of good government. . . . There is now
more than six times as much advertising and reading
on the other side of the Atlantic as in Great Britain.
There are those who are fond of decrying newspaper-

384

The American Schoolhouse

reading, but we regard every scheme that is calculated
to make mankind think, everything that by detaching
the mind from the present moment, and leading it to
reflect upon the past or future, rescues it from the
dominion of mere sense, as calculated to exalt us in
the scale of being, and, whether it be a newspaper or
a volume that serves this end, the instrument is worthy
of honor at the hands of enlightened philanthropists."

There is a saying of Confucius, which was often
quoted when the French legions went down before the
educated Germans — that he who leads an uneducated
people to war throws them away. The victories
registered on French battlefields were won by the Ger-
man schoolmasters ; and so it is to the little red school-
house in which the school-marm taught boys and girls
together for more than a hundred years, that we must
go to find the sceptre of the American dominion.

It is little more than thirty years since education
became compulsory in the United Kingdom ; and it was
in still more recent times that the school-fees were
abolished. But education has been universal, free, and
compulsory in the United States of America from the
very foundation of the New England Colonies. The
first object of the Pilgrim Fathers was to found a con-
venticle in which they could worship God as they
thought fit ; but after the founding of the Church their
first care was to open a school. Hence the average
level of intelligence in the United States, despite the
immense influx of nineteen millions of the uneducated
European horde, is much higher than it is with us.

In that vast Republic every one can at least read

335

Educational Figures

and write, and upon that basis Americans have reared
a superstructure of educational appliance which causes
Englishmen to despair. Mr. Frederic Harrison, when
he visited the United States last in 1900, was lost in
amazement and admiration at the immense energy and
lavish magnificence of the apparatus of education.
"The whole educational machinery of America," he
said, "must be at least tenfold that of the United King-
dom. That open to women must be at least twenty-
fold greater than with us, and it is rapidly advancing
to meet that of men both in numbers and quality."

According to some statistics published this autumn
by the Scientific American, there are 629 universities
and colleges in the United States, the total value of
whose property is estimated at £68,000,000. The total
income was over 5^2 millions sterling. In a single
year, 1898-99, the value of gifts to these institutions
amounted to £4,400,000. The number of students
pursuing undergraduate and graduate courses in uni-
versities, colleges, and schools of technology was 147,-
164. Of these only 43,913 were enrolled as students
of the three professions — law, medicine, and theology.
The number of students per million, which stood at
573 in 1872, rose to 770 in 1880, to 850 in 1890, where-
as in 1899 it had gone up to 1,196 — more than double in
twenty-eight years.

A whole volume might be written in comparing and
contrasting the educational systems of Great Britain
and the United States. But it is unnecessary to burden
the reader with statistics. American superiority, as
attested by statistics, has its root in one fundamental

386

The Contrast in Britain

difference between the two nations. In America every-
body, from the richest to the poorest, considers that
education is a boon, a necessity of life, and the more
education they get the better it is for the whole
country.

In Great Britain, Sir John Gorst himself being wit-
ness, the educated classes regard education as unneces-
sary for the laboring classes. The country squire and,
broadly speaking, the class which dresses for dinner,
are of opinion that those who do not dress for dinner
are better without education. Sir John Gorst, the
Minister officially responsible for British education,
has affirmed this in terms which leave no room for
mistake.

It is this which differentiates the Briton from the
American. Our men of light and leading, those who
have enjoyed all the advantages of superior educa-
tion, who monopolize the immense endowments of the
ancient universities of Oxford and Cambridge, resent
the demand that the children of the agricultural
laborer or the costermonger should receive the best
education that the State can give them.

Education in this country is not regarded as a good
investment. Hence it is that, while American million-
aires find pleasure in lavishing millions in the endow-
ment of universities and technical schools and the pro-
vision of educational apparatus, the bequests to edu-
cation in this country amount to a beggarly sum.
Mr. Carnegie, born a Scotchman, but a naturalized
citizen of the States, has given more money for the
endowment of university education in a single check

337

'Productive Power Compared

than all our millionaires have given to our universities
for the last quarter of a century.

Until a change comes over the spirit of our country,
and Society with a big S recognizes that unless our
people are educated the game is up, we shall not see
any material improvement. The future belongs not
to brawn but to brain, and the nation which ignores
both, as we unfortunately are doing at this moment,
will inevitably go to the wall. It may be said that it
is no use looking for the conversion of our governing
classes.

Until our working people who have a vote determine
to use it to compel Parliament to give every English
workman's child as good an education and as fair a
chance of making his way to a university career (if he
is bright enough) as he would have if he emigrated to
the United States, nothing will be done.

Secondly, Incentives to increased productive power.
The second cause of American success, which we could
appropriate if we pleased, is that of improved methods
of production. We want more machinery, better ma-
chinery, and we must not stint its output. The old
spirit which led to the machine riots in the West Rid-
ing of Yorkshire at the beginning of the century is
still latent in the British workman.

There is no need to go into old sores or to enter
upon disputed ground, but it is unfortunately no
longer disputable that our industrial progress is
hampered in two directions, first, by the reluctance of
the employer to invest in new machinery, and, secondly,
by a belief on the part of many workmen that the less

388

Labor-Saving Machinery

work each man does the more work there is for some-
body else.

The difficulty about machinery arises largely from
the English prejudice in favor of good, solid machines
which, if once built, will last for a long time. The
American deliberately puts in flimsy machinery which
will wear out, as he calculates that by the time he has
got all the work out of his machine that it will stand,
new improvements will have been invented which will
necessitate in any case the purchase of new machinery.
Hence he buys a cheaper article, uses it up quickly, and
then gets a new one with the latest improvements.
The Briton finds that he has a machine almost as good
as new when the American machine is worn out, and is
loth to cast it on one side.

There is a certain objection to labor-saving machines
on the part of many workmen, who regard all such
machines as the owners of stage-coaches regarded loco-
motives. It is calculated that every locomotive that is
turned out of an engine-shop makes work for as many
horses as the horse-power which it represents, and
there has never been so much demand for labor as
since the introduction of labor-saving machinery be-
came universal.

The popular fallacy that contrivances which econ-
omize labor make less work for the laborer was never
so aptly illustrated as in the story of the Tsar and the
Dutch Ambassador, who met in the Seventeenth Cen-
tury on the banks of the Volga. Great barges were
being towed up the stream by gangs of 200 moujiks,
who were harnessed to the tow-rope, and so, with infin-

3S9

The Laborer Against Himself

itc expenditure of sweat and sinew, they hauled their
clumsy craft at the rate of about two miles an hour.

The Dutchman addressed the Tsar and respectfully
ventured to point out to him that with his permission
he (the Dutchman) could rig up a mast and a sail
which would enable the wind to drive the boat much
more swiftly through the water without any need for
this costly human haulage. The Tsar listened for a
moment and then sternly reproved the adventurous
Dutchman. "How dare you," he said, "propose to me
to adopt a contrivance which would take the bread out
of the mouths of these poor fellows?"

And so the moujiks went on with their hauling.
Every one sees the absurdity of such a reply, but at
bottom it is exactly the same spirit which inspires the
objection to machines which economize labor.

This, however, is a less danger than the spirit, to
which a good deal of attention has been called of late
by articles in the Times and elsewhere, which leads
workmen deliberately to dawdle over their work with
the idea that the less work each man does the more
work there will be for his mate. The same spirit
shows itself in the extreme punctiliousness with which
workmen will insist upon never doing anything but
their own particular job, under no matter what stress
of emergency.

In some industries we have almost arrived at the
extreme division of labor that prevails in India, which
necessitates the employment of twenty servants to do
the work of three. The folly of this deliberate limita-
tion of output is recognized by the more intelligent

390

Profit-Sharing and Trade Unions

leaders of the working classes, and the experience of
the Westing-house Company at their new Manchester
works is full of hope. By the introduction of Amer-
ican foremen, and by a frank and candid explanation
to the workmen of what was wanted, the Americans
declared that they found no difficulty in getting as
much good work out of Englishmen in England as
they are always able to get out of Englishmen when
they emigrate to America.

But we cannot man all our works with American
foremen, nor is it desirable that the English in their
own country should be reduced to the level of Gibeon-
ites, to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for
the superior race. By far the best way of overcom-
ing this difficulty is by the introduction of some method
of co-partnership, or of profit-sharing, which would
make every workman feel that he had a personal inter-
est in the prosperity of the concern.

At present he feels too often that he has nothing
personally to gain by putting his back into his work.
The shareholder and not the workman reaps the benefit
of increased efficiency. To get round that difficulty
is not impossible, as the experience of Mr. George
Livesey in the South Metropolitan Gas Company
shows. Profit-sharing is the first, co-partnership the
second, and co-operative production the third step
which will lead us out of the morass in which we are
at present floundering.

The experience of Co-operative Works at Leicester,
and the neighborhood justifies confident expectations
as to the excellent results which would follow if the

391

The British Employers

consciousness of mutual interest were the rule instead
of the exception in British industry.

Neither here nor in the United States can we hope
to put the tremendous premium upon individual effort
which was offered in the early days of American
industry. The trade union is likely to become more
rather than less powerful in the days that are to come.
It appeals very strongly to the Socialist aspirations
which seem likely, in America, as well as in this
country, to be an increasing factor in the organization
of industry ; but that is no reason why the trade
unions should not provide for the encouragement of
individual capacity among their own members.

It would be a great mistake, however, to think that
trade unions are the only obstacle. We have to face
the reluctance on the part of employers to recognize
that their workmen have brains which could be utilized.
The American workman who suggests an improve-
ment in the machinery which he is working, is en-
couraged and rewarded. In England he is too often
told to mind his own business.

And as it is with the employers, so it is with the
law of the land. Our patent laws, instead of encour-
aging invention on the part of those who have brains
but no money, absolutely handicap the poor man, and
leave him helpless to profit by his own inventions.
Sir John Leng, in a recent address at Dundee, brought
out very clearly this contrast between the American
and British systems.

The American patent law secures a patentee protec-
tion for seventeen years for a total cost of £8. To

392

Ambassador Choate s Declaration

secure a patent for fourteen years in this country re-
quires an expenditure of £99. The American Patent
Office makes a fairly thorough examination of a
patent, and, if required, the applicant is assisted to put
his application into proper shape. With this stim-
ulus to invention, it is not surprising that the inventive
genius of the American has outstripped that of the Old
World. Fortunately this can be remedied, for our
Patent Office is one of those institutions which can be
Americanized with the greatest ease.

The third cause of American success which we can
also appropriate is that which comes from the frank
adoption and consistent application of the principle of
democracy. Mr. Choate, the American Ambassador
at the Court of St. James', recently declared in a pub-
lic speech at New York : —

"After all that I have seen of other countries, it seems to
me absolutely clear that the cardinal principle upon which
American institutions rest, the absolute political equality of
all citizens with universal suffrage, is the secret of Ameri-
can success. Aided by that comprehensive system of educa-
tion, which enables every citizen to pursue his calling and
exercise the franchise, it puts the country on that plane of
success which it has reached."

"I have no doubt," said De Tocqueville more than
sixty years ago, "that the democratic institutions of
the United States, joined to the physical constitution
of the country, are the cause (not the direct, as is so
often asserted, but the indirect cause) of the pro-
digious commercial activity of the inhabitants."

He adds, further on : "Democracy does not give the
people the most skilful government, but it produ

393

Triumphant Democracy

what the ablest governments are frequently unable to
create : namely, a superabundant force, and an energy
which is inseparable from it, and which may, however
unfavorable circumstances may be, produce wonders."

As to the influence of democratic institutions upon
the inventive ingenuity and energy of a people, Mr.
Wideneos of Philadelphia, discussing the connection
between democracy and business, recently said to Mr.
W. E. Curtis :—

"Our greatest success in industry and commerce has
been due to the higher intelligence and better educa-
tion of the American working man. The United
States is a democracy where everybody has a chance,
and that inspires ambition. Look at the list of men
who control business affairs in that country. Nine
of every ten of them began at the bottom and in a small
way, but the road was open to everybody and the best
man got there first.

"In England the opportunities are comparatively
limited, and the lower classes have no inspiration ; no
inducement to save their money and improve them-
selves. There is no use in a boy educating himself for
better things when he cannot get them. The very best
of us are from the bottom. Some of our biggest
swells had fathers who worked for days' wages. Yet
that was no handicap. They gave them good consti-
tutions, good educations and opportunities. Such men
now command the financial, commercial and political
world."

We have democratized our institutions piecemeal,
but we are still far short of applying the principle thor-

394

Britain's Necessity

oughly in such fashion as to make every man feel
the stimulus of equality of responsibility, equality of
opportunity.

It is not necessary to pursue this in detail, but it is
worthy of note that at the present moment the only
governing institutions in this country in which we can
pretend to be ahead of the United States are our
municipalities, where the principle of democracy has
been carried out much more thoroughly than in the
Imperial Parliament.

Imagine the London County Council saddled with a
Second Chamber, three-fourths of whom were the
ground landlords of London, with a right of veto upon
every measure passed by the County Council ! Could
anything be suggested more certain to choke the civic
spirit which has given new life to London in the last
ten years? Aristocratic institutions, no doubt, have
their advantages, but they do not tend to develop in
the mass of the people a keen sense of citizenship.
They effectively paralyze that consciousness of individ-
ual power which gives so great and constant a stim-
ulus to the energy and self-respect of the citizens of
the Republic.

395

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Second

A Look Ahead

What is the conclusion of the whole matter? It
may be stated in a sentence. There lies before the
people of Great Britain a choice of two alternatives.
If they decide to merge the existence of the British
Empire in the United States of the English-speaking
World, they may continue for all time to be an integral
part of the greatest of all World-Powers, supreme on
sea and unassailable on land, permanently delivered
from all fear of hostile attack, and capable of wielding
irresistible influence in all parts of this planet.

That is one alternative. The other is the acceptance
of our supersession by the United States as the centre
of gravity in the English-speaking world, the loss one
by one of our great colonies, and our ultimate reduc-
tion to the status of an English-speaking Belgium.
One or the other it must be. Which shall it be ? Sel-
dom has a more momentous choice been presented to
the citizens of any country.

It is natural that British pride should revolt at the
conclusion which is thus presented as the result of a
39*

The United States of the World

rapid survey of the forces governing the present
political and financial and industrial situation. But
pride and prejudice are evil counsellors. The ques-
tion is not what we would best like to do, but what is
the best course possible in the circumstances?

If it is admitted that the whole trend of our time is
towards the unification of races of a common stock and
common language; if it is further admitted that such
unification would carry with it incalculable advantages
in securing the English-speaking nations from all
danger either of a fratricidal conflict or of foreign at-
tack, while enormously improving both their prosperity
at home and the influence which they can exercise
abroad, it is difficult to resist the conclusion that the
object is one well worthy of being made the ultimate
goal of the statesmen both of the United States and of
the United Kingdom.

That it is possible to constitute as one vast feder-
ated unity the English-speaking United States of the
World, can hardly be disputed. That there are diffi-
culties, immense difficulties, is equally true; but it is
well to remember that these difficulties did not appear
insuperable to Adam Smith, who wrote nearly a hun-
dred years before the Atlantic had been bridged by
steam. It is worth while recalling his profound and
luminous observations in the first edition of his
"Wealth of Nations," which was published in 1776,
on the very eve of the revolt of the American Colonies.

At that time, the great schism had not occurred
which has for more than a century banished the idea
from the minds of man; but the recent and welcome

397

Adam Smith's Suggestion

rapprochement which has taken place between the
British and American peoples renders it possible for
us to get back to the standpoint of Adam Smith. He
contemplated the union of Great Britain with her
American Colonies by admitting representatives from
those Colonies to the Imperial Parliament. For, as
he says in words which are as true to-day as they were
then : —

"The assembly which deliberates and decides con-
cerning the affairs of every part of the Empire, in
order to be properly informed, ought certainly to have
representatives from every part of it."

He admitted that there were difficulties, but denied
that they were insurmountable.

"The principal difficulty, " he said, "arises, not from
the nature of things, but from the prejudices and
opinions of the people both on this side and on the
other side of the Atlantic."

He then dealt briefly with some of the objections
that were urged, objections which the lapse of time
has answered so effectually that we need not even refer
to them here. But in combating one of these objec-
tions that might be raised by the Americans — that their
distance from the seat of Government might expose
them to many oppressions — he used the following re-
markable words : —

"The distance of America from the seat of Govern-
ment the natives of that country might flatter them-
selves, with some appearance of reason, too. would
not be of a very long continuance. Such has hitherto
been the rapid progress of that country in wealth, pop-

398

Confirmed by Rosebery

illation, and improvement that, in the course of little
more than a century, perhaps, the produce of Amer-
ican might exceed that of British taxation. The seat
of the Empire would then naturally remove itself to
that part of the Empire which contributes most to the
general defence and support of the whole."

The Imperial idea, therefore, before the disruption
of the Empire, contemplated that if the Empire held
together, its capital in the course of time would be
transferred from the Old World to the New.

The same idea was expressed the other day with
much greater eloquence by Lord Rosebery in his ad-
dress as Lord Rector to the students of Glasgow Uni-
versity. Going back to the time when Adam Smith
wrote, Lord Rosebery allowed his imagination to dwell
upon what might have been the results to the English-
speaking race if the elder Pitt had prevented or sup-
pressed the reckless budget of Charles Townshend,
induced George III. to listen to reason, and by intro-
ducing representatives from the American Colonies
into the Imperial Parliament, preserved America to
the British Crown. Had such a measure been passed,
he said,

"It would have provided for some self-adjusting
system of representation, such as now prevails in the
United States, by which increasing population is pro-
portionally represented."

He then proceeded : —

"At last, when the Americans became the majority,
the seat of Empire would, perhaps, have been moved
solemnly across the Atlantic, Great Britain have be-

399

An Inspiring Hypothesis

come the historical shrine and the European outpost
of the World-empire. What an extraordinary revo-
lution it would have been had it been accomplished !
The greatest known without bloodshed, the most sub-
lime transference of power in the history of mankind.
Our conceptions can hardly picture the procession
across the Atlantic. The greatest Sovereign in the
greatest fleet in the universe, Ministers, Government,
Parliament, departing solemnly for the other hemi-
sphere, not as in the case of the Portuguese sovereign
emigrating to Brazil under the spur of necessity, but
under the vigorous embrace of the younger world."

He admitted that the result was one to which we
could scarcely acclimatize ourselves even in idea, but
he went on to speculate upon some of the consequences
that would have happened from so blessed a consum-
mation : —

"America would have hung on the skirts of Britain,
and pulled her back out of European complications.
She would have profoundly affected the foreign policy
of the Mother Country in the direction of peace. Her
influence in our domestic policy would have been
scarcely less potent. It might probably have appeased
and even contented Ireland. The ancient constitution
of Great Britain would have been rendered more com-
prehensive and more elastic. On the other hand, the
American yearning for liberty would have taken a
different form. It would have blended with other
traditions and flowed into other molds ; and above all, j
had there been no suppression there would have been j
no war of Independence, no war of 1812, with all the

400

Anglo-American Unification

bitter memories that these have left on American soil.
To secure that priceless boon I should have been satis-
fied to see the British Federal Parliament sitting in
Columbian territory. It is indeed difficult to dam the
flow of ideas in dealing with so pregnant a possibility."

The question which it is my purpose to raise in the
present treatise is whether the realization of Lord
Rosebery's dream is even now outside the pale of prac-
tical politics. Would not the gain of the establishment
of a Federal Parliament of the English-speaking race
on American soil more than compensate us for any
loss of what may be described as the parochial prestige
of the insular Briton?

Ireland still has to be contented ; the British Con-
stitution, for lack of elasticity, has become practically
unworkable; the Imperial Parliament shows no sign
of being able to admit representatives from the
distant Colonies ; and danger of collision between the
Empire and the Republic, although masked by present
appearance, automatically increases as the over-sea
ambitions of the United States develop and expand.

In its original shape, of course, Lord Rosebery's
vision can never be realized. The possibility of uniting
the whole English-speaking world under the aegis of
the scepter of a British sovereign, perished for ever
when George III. made war upon the American
Colonies.

But because our forefathers by their prejudice and
passion wrecked the possibility of realizing the great
ideal, that is no reason why we, their sons, should not
endeavor to undo the evil results of their folly by at-

401

Lord Derby's Ideal

tempting to secure the unification of the race hy the
only means which are still available. Unification
under the Union Jack having become impossible by
our own mistakes, why should we not seek unification
under the Stars and Stripes?

We could, of course, keep the Union Jack as a local
flag, as in a Federated South Africa we could permit
the burghers of the Transvaal to keep the Vierkleur.
It possesses a historical interest, and is instinct with
too many heroic memories for it to be allowed to pass
for ever from sea or shore. But the day has passed
when the meteor flag of England could stand any
chance of being accepted by the majority of English-
speaking men. In such matters the majority must
decide. Not only are we already in a minority of
nearly one to two, but the majority tends every year
to increase. Are we as a nation incapable of facing
the inevitable and of governing our course in accord-
ance therewith?

Many years ago when the late Earl of Derby was
Colonial Minister in Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet, he dis-
cussed this question with Dr. E. J. Dillon, now well
known as correspondent of the Daily Telegraph. Dr.
Dillon asked him as a former foreign Minister of Great
Britain, what he thought should be the foreign policy
of the Empire. Lord Derby replied that he thought
it would be best for the country to have no foreign
policy at all, which led Dr. Dillon to ask what then did
he contemplate as the goal of British policy in the
future. Lord Derby replied : —

"The highest ideal that I can look forward to in the

402

Cecils Rhodes' Pole-Star

future of my country is that the time may come when
we may be admitted into the American Union as
States in one great Federation."

It may be said that Lord Derby was a Little Eng-
lander, and therefore out of court. But this objection
cannot be brought against Mr. Rhodes, who is a Big
Englander if ever there was one, and who more than
any man in our time incarnates the spirit of British
Imperialism. But Mr. Rhodes, although he would
not adopt the terms of Lord Derby's declaration, is
absolutely at one with him on the main point.

Mr. Rhodes would undoubtedly much prefer to see
the English-speaking race unified under the Union
Jack, for his devotion to the old flag approaches to a
passion. But Mr. Rhodes's pole star has ever been the
unity of the English-speaking race. No one can talk
to him for long without coming upon the sentiment
which is ever present in his mind, of a deep and al-
most angry regret over the fatal folly which rent the
race in twain in the eighteenth century.

How often have I not heard him deplore the in-
sensate folly which robbed the world of its one great
hope of universal peace. Only this year he inveighed,
as is his wont, against the madness of the .monarch
which had wrecked the fairest prospect of international
peace which had ever dawned upon the world.

"If only we had held together," he remarked,
"there would have been no need for another cannon to
be cast in the whole world. The Federation of the
English-speaking world would be strong enough in
its command of all the material resources of the planet

403

A Fascinating Ideal

to compel the decision of all international quarrels by
a more rational method than that of war."

Nor has he abandoned the hope that even yet that
great Federation may be brought about. He would,
no doubt, shrink from boldly adopting the formula
that, if it could not be secured in any other way than
by the admission of the various parts of the British
Empire as States of the American Union, it had better
be brought about in that way than not at all.

He has so intense a longing to realize the unity of
the race that, being a practical man, and resolute to
attain his end by some road, if that which he has chosen
is absolutely impassable, he can be counted upon as
one of the great personal forces which would co-
operate in the attainment of our ideal.

The subject is not one upon which politicians are
likely to talk. Any utterance in favor of coming to-
gether under the American flag could so easily be mis-
represented by a political opponent as an act of treason
to the Union Jack, that men whose horizon is limited
to the next General Election naturally refrain from
expressing any opinion on the subject.

But, privately, no one who moves in political and
journalistic circles can ignore the fact that many of
the strongest Imperialists are heart and soul in favor
of seeing the British Empire and the American Repub-
lic merged in the English-speaking United States of
the World. This is an ideal splendid enough to
fascinate the imagination of all men, especially of those
who have proved most susceptible to the fascination of
Imperial Federation.
404

Uncertainties of Race Unity

But here it is necessary to observe that, while on
this side of the Atlantic there may be a great latent
but powerful sentiment in favor of such reunion, it
will come to nothing unless it is reciprocated by sim-
ilar sentiments on the other side of the water. We
may be willing to make great sacrifices of national
prejudice and Imperial pride in order to attain this
greater ideal, but will the Americans be equally fas-
cinated by the ideal of race unity?

The United States, it is said by some, is quite big
enough to take care of itself. It has no longer any
need of a British alliance, which might entail consider-
able complications and involve the Republic in
entanglements from which the Americans might not
unnaturally recoil.

The subject is not one upon which the Americans can
very well take the initiative. The suggestion has
even offended some Americans, as indicating possibil-
ities altogether beyond their reach. There is very
little evidence, on one side or the other, as to what
would be the probable attitude of the masses of the
American people should this question be raised in a
practical shape.

I had, however, an opportunity of discussing the
matter quite recently with two typical Americans, who
were singularly well placed for forming a judgment
upon the matter. One, born in Scotland, had become
a naturalized American citizen. The other, born in
America, had become a naturalized British subject.
The former had been all his life devoted to the cause
of peace. The other has made his fortune by the suc-

405

Sir Hiram Maxim

cess with which he has manufactured arms of war.
But upon this question they are absolutely at one.

Sir Hiram Maxim and Mr. Andrew Carnegie are
both men whose maturity of judgment and wide ex-
perience of men entitle them to be heard with respect
upon any subject to which they have given serious
attention. Sir Hiram Maxim wrote me as recently
as November 8th, 1901, after we had discussed the
subject for some time : —

"I have thought much of the long and interesting
conversation I had with you yesterday, and although
I do not hope to live to see the consummation of what
was foreshadowed by you, still I should not wonder
if the baby was already born who will witness the
whole English-speaking race consolidated in some
great federation forming the greatest, richest, and the
most powerful nation that the world has ever known.
I think it is true that it is sure to come ; it is only a
question of time and civilization."

I saw Mr. Carnegie on October 25th, 1901, just
before he left London for New York. Mr. Carnegie
is a remarkable man in many ways, but he is absolutely
unique in being at once a prophet and a millionaire.
It is the first time in the history of the world in which
the two roles have been played by a single man. Mr.
Carnegie said to me : —

"Turn up my 'Look Ahead' which I published in the North
American Review eight years ago, and you will find every
forecast which I made then is coming true. You remember,
I told you that when you sat down to your desk to write that
chapter, I was inclined to believe that the whole scheme was
somewhat visionary, but that when I sent the manuscript I

406

Frank Stockton's Story

was convinced that there was nothing more practical or
more important pressing upon the attention of statesmen.
Well, eight years have passed since then, and now when I
take a look backwards, at my old article, 'Look Ahead,' I
am more than ever impressed with the soundness of the
views which I there set out. We are heading straight to
the Re-United States. Everything is telling that way. Your
people are only beginning to wake up to the irresistible
drift of forces which dominate the situation.

"It is coming, coming faster than you people in the Old
World realize. Mr. Frank Stockton was down at Skibo this
year, and he told rather a good story bearing upon this
question. When he was coming down in the train, he fore-
gathered with an Englishman, whom he met in the train,
and they got talking about various things, and the English-
man expressed what is now a very common sentiment among
your people — great regret at the folly of George III. 'Just
think what he cost us,' said the Englishman. 'Why, he cost
us America.' 'But,' said Mr. Stockton, 'you must not
forget what he cost us.' 'Cost you,' said the Englishman.
'What did he cost you ?' 'He cost us Britain,' said Mr. Stock-
ton. And there is the whole truth in a nutshell. If we had
all continued together, Britain would have belonged to
America, much more than America would have belonged to
Britain, and it will come to that yet."

The theme is a favorite one with Mr. Carnegie. He
may indeed be regarded as the leading exponent of the
idea. In his "Triumphant Democracy," he maintained
that the American Constitution offered a much better,
freer, and at the same time more supple system of
government than that which prevailed in the Old
Country. He summarized under seventeen separate
heads the reasons why he thought the leadership of
the English-speaking world must belong to America.
Some of these relating to things political and consti-
tutional may be quoted here : —

(7) The nation whose flag, wherever it floats over

407

Carnegie's Reasoning

sea and land, is the symbol and guarantor of the equal-
ity of the citizen.

(8) The nation in whose Constitution no man sug-
gests improvement ; whose laws as they stand are satis-
factory to all citizens.

(9) The nation which has the ideal Second Chamber,
the most august assembly in the world — the American
Senate.

(10) The nation whose Supreme Court is the envy
of the ex- Prime Minister of the parent land. (Lord
Salisbury.)

(11) The nation whose Constitution is "the most
perfect piece of work ever struck off at one time by
the mind and purpose of man," according to the pres-
ent Prime Minister of the parent land. (Mr. Glad-
stone.)

(12) The nation most profoundly conservative of
what is good, yet based upon the political equality of
the citizen.

Since the publication of "Triumphant Democracy,"
Mr. Carnegie has discussed the question in articles
contributed to the English and American magazines,
notably to the Nineteenth Century for September,
1891, in an article entitled "An American View of
Imperial Federation," and in June, 1892, in the North
American Review, in a paper entitled "A Look Ahead."
There are others, but these are the chief. He con-
cluded his articles on "A Look Ahead" by the follow-
ing declaration of faith — a declaration which might
be regarded in other men as a mere fantasy, but which
in a hard-headed man like Mr. Carnegie, who has

408

By a Stroke of the Pen

shown an equal ability in amassing and giving away
millions, will command respect.

"Let men say what they will, but I say that as surely
as the sun in the heavens once shone upon Britain and
America united, so surely is it one morning to rise and
shine upon and greet again the Re-united States of the
British-American Union."

This confidence was based in the first case upon the
fact that it was only in their political ideas that there
was any dissimilarity, "for no rupture whatever be-
tween the separated parts has ever taken place in lan-
guage, literature, religion, or law. In these uniform-
ity has always existed. Although separated polit-
ically, the unity of the parts has never been disturbed
in these strong, cohesive and cementing links."

There was a perpetual process of assimilation going
on between the political institutions of the two
countries. That such a reunion was desirable seemed
to Mr. Carnegie an almost self-evident proposition.
If England and America were one they would be able
to maintain the peace of the world and general dis-
armament. An Anglo-x-\merican reunion would ad-
mit of bringing British goods into the United States
duty free. The richest market in the world would be
open to Great Britain, free of all duty by a stroke of
the pen. There would not be an idle mine, furnace
or factory in the United Kingdom.

Apart from material interests, Mr. Carnegie holds
very strongly to the idea subsequently adopted by Mr.
Chamberlain that the mind of the individual citizen
expands in response to the magnitude of the State to

409

An Issue Irresistible

which he belongs. Dealing with great affairs broad-
ens and elevates the character — a thesis which it would
be somewhat difficult to maintain in face of the fact
that the great ideas which have shaken the world have
in almost every case been conceived by the citizens of
States so small that they could be stowed away out of
sight in a corner of a single State like Texas.

Men's minds do not always expand in proportion to
the geographical area of the Kingdom, Empire, or
Republic in which they happen to be born. Never-
theless there is a certain truth in Mr. Carnegie's re-
mark, although it must be balanced by remembering
Burke's famous phrase about statesmen who have the
minds of pedlars and merchants who act like princes.
In this expansion of the political horizon the citizens
of both countries would equally share, but Mr. Car-
negie does not discuss the fact that the balance of ad-
vantage would lie with the British, for the leadership
of the United States is secure.

Whether reunion is effected or abandoned as an im-
possible dream, it will not affect the headship of the
United States. The American will easily be the first
Power in the world. But for the Motherland it is
otherwise. Mr. Carnegie wrote : —

"The only course for Britain seems to be reunion
with her giant child or sure decline to a secondary
place, and then to comparative insignificance in the
future annals of the English-speaking race. What
great difference would it make to Wales, Ireland, and
Scotland if their representatives to the Supreme
Council should proceed to Washington instead of to

4J0

An Issue Irresistible

London? Yet this is all the change that would be
required, and for this they would have ensured to them
all the rights of independence."

Nevertheless, he thinks the idea would be received
with even more enthusiasm in the United States than
in the United Kingdom. 'The reunion idea," said he,
"would be hailed with enthusiasm in the United States.
No idea yet promulgated since the formation of the
Union would create such unalloyed satisfaction. It
would sweep the country. No party would oppose ;
each would try to excel the other in approval."

Surveying the whole situation, Mr. Carnegie came
to the conclusion eight years ago that the causes of
continued disunion which admittedly exist in England
are rapidly vanishing and are melting away like snow
in the sunshine. Canada, the United States, and Ire-
land were even then ready for reunion, and no serious
difficulty existed either in Scotland or in Wales. He
thought that in England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales
a proposition to make all officials elected by the people
after the Queen had passed away would command a
heavy vote.

In 1898, when I had an opportunity of discussing
the matter with him, he was so confident that the re-
union was practicable, that he had modified his views
in many directions. When he had first launched the
idea he regarded it as necessary for the British people
to abjure their monarchy, their hereditary peerage,
their Established Church, and to do away with their
Indian Empire, and as a preliminary to reunion he had

AM

Eight New Popular States

contemplated a declaration of independence on the
part of Canada, Australia, and South Africa.

In 1898 he recognized that such a drastic process of
demolition and disintegration was not the necessary
preliminary to reunion. He thought it was quite pos-
sible that special provision might be made for the ad-
mission of monarchical States into the British-Amer-
ican Union. He still clung to his idea of the admis-
sion of Great Britain and Ireland into the Union.
They would, he said, cut up into eight States, with an
average of five millions each in population. This
is considerably more than the average of the American
States, but it is less than the population of Pennsyl-
vania and New York. It is well that Mr. Carnegie
should have modified his views so far as to admit that
the British race might assent to a reunion without
being compelled as a preliminary to abjure their dis-
tinctive peculiarities.

Upon this point Cobden, in his well-known pamphlet
"England, Ireland, and America," which was pub-
lished in the spring of 1835, said some words which
are worth while remembering and quoting in this con-
nection. Writing immediately after his return from
his first visit to the United States, he declared that he
fervently believed "that our only chance of national
prosperity lies in the timely remodelling of our system,
so as to put it as nearly as possible upon an equality
with the improved management of the Americans."
But, he went on, "let us not be misconstrued. We do
rot advocate Republican institutions for this country;
we believe the Government of the United States to be

4J2

Cobden on America

at this moment the best in the world, but then the
Americans are the best people, individually and
nationally.

"As individuals, because in our opinion the people
that are the best educated must, morally and religiously
speaking, be the best. As a nation, because it is the
only great community that has never waged war ex-
cept in absolute self-defence, the only one which has
never made a conquest of territory by force of arms ;
because it is the only nation whose government has
never had occasion to employ the army to defend it
against the people ; the only one which has never had
one of its citizens convicted of treason, and because it
is the only country that has honorably discharged its
public debt. Those who argue in favor of a Republic
in lieu of a mixed Monarchy for Britain are, we sus-
pect, ignorant of the genius of their countrymen.

"Democracy forms no element in the material of
English character. An Englishman is from his
mother's womb an aristocrat. The insatiable love of
caste that in England, as in Hindustan, devours all
hearts, is confined to no walks of society, but pervades
every degree from the highest to the lowest. No ;
whatever changes in the course of time education may
and will effect, we do not believe that England at this
moment contains even the germs of genuine Repub-
licanism. We do not, then, advocate the adoption of
democratic institutions for such a people."

Nearly seventy years have passed since then, and we
have had nearly thirty years of popular education;
but there is so much truth in Mr. Cobden's somewhat

4*3

The Republican Spirit

pessimistic observations, that any scheme which ne-
cessitated the repudiation of aristocratic distinctions
or monarchical bric-a-brac would be fatal to the
scheme of reunion. John Bull would have to experi-
ence a new birth before he could qualify as an entirely
regenerated citizen of the American Republic. He
must be allowed to retain his plush-breeched and
powdered footmen, his Lord Mayor's coach, and all the
paraphernalia and trappings of monarchy and peer-
age, if only to enable him to feel at home in a cold,
cold world, and cultivate that spirit of condescen-
sion towards Americans which is his sole remaining
consolation.

At the same time, it is well to remember that not-
withstanding Cobden's estimate of the anti-republican
character of his own countrymen, the natives of these
islands, when once they leave their native land, never
establish anything but what is to all intents and pur-
poses a Republican system of government.

Sir Walter Besant, when discussing the future of
the race, dwelt much upon the significance of the fact
that, while all the States that have come out of Great
Britain have had to create their own form of govern-
ment, every one has become practically a Republic,
yet while all the Colonies are virtually Republican,
the Mother Country is less Republican than she was
twenty years ago. In the Colonies, with every genera-
tion, the Republican idea becomes intensified, and this,
he thought, would, as there was no corresponding
trend of opinion in the Mother Country towards Re-
publicanism, inevitably result in separation.

414

Reorganizing the Empire

For, as he said, if the English Government remains
what it is, and the English Colonies become more and
more obstinately Republican, there will most certainly
exist a permanent cleavage between them growing
every year wider and wider.

He was so much convinced of this that in his fore-
cast of the future he calmly counted upon the dis-
ruption of the Empire as a preliminary to the federa-
tion of the race.

But in that case we could separate only in order to
reunite, and the basis would be wide enough to afford
space for the United States in the centre of the
group. It is probable that Canada and Australia and
South Africa would find it easier to coalesce with the
United States than with the United Kingdom. But
the political institutions of the United Kingdom itself
are likely to undergo considerable changes in the direc-
tion of Americanization.

Few subjects afford more interesting matter for
discussion and speculation than the steps which would
be taken by the Americans if they were placed in
charge of the administration of the British Empire,
with a contract to reorganize it upon American prin-
ciples. Dr. Albert Shaw nine years ago addressed
himself to the consideration of this question in the
pages of the Contemporary Review, with characteristic
intrepidity and plain-spokenness. Home Rule seemed
to him, as it does to all Americans, the very first step
towards clearing the situation for entrance upon a
large and worthy Imperial policy ; and he did not mince
his words as to the silly sophistries and general stu-

4J5

Reorganizing the Empire

pidities which did service as arguments against allow-
ing the Irish people to manage purely Irish affairs in
Ireland.

"If," said he, "Americans were to take the contract
for reorganizing the British Empire, they would lose
no time in telegraphing for the strong men of both
Canadian parties, for Mr. Rhodes, Mr. Hofmeyer, and
the other empire-builders of South Africa, for the ex-
perienced and staunch politicians of the Australian
States, and for Englishmen everywhere who were
actually engaged in maintaining British supremacy.
After a Conference, they would draw up certain ten-
tative proposals, and call an Imperial Convention to
draft a final scheme of Federation. This scheme
should provide for a true Imperial Parliament, to take
over from the existing local parliaments of the United
Kingdom all Imperial business. It would place the
Navy, the army, and the postal service upon an
Imperial basis. It would establish absolute free trade
between all parts of the Empire, although it might
allow certain parts to maintain differential tariffs
against non-British tariffs. It would allow Ireland
Home Rule, as a matter of course, subject not to the
United Kingdom but to the British Empire. With
such an Empire the Americans would have no occa-
sion for controversy. The frictions that have en-
dangered the relations of Great Britain and America
in recent years have grown out of the mischievously
anomalous political situation of Canada. A unified
Imperial economic system might soon lead to a Reci-
procity Treaty between the two English-speaking

4J6

Reorganizing the Empire

Federations that would hasten the advent of the Uni-
versal Free Trade that all intelligent Protectionists
anticipate and desire."

Whatever the British reader may think of Dr.
Shaw's outline of the reconstitution of our Constitu-
tion, there are an increasing number of people in this
country who would be very glad indeed to see some
very radical changes introduced with a view of restor-
ing efficiency to Parliament and securing the Federa-
tion of the Empire. But we must not stray further in
these speculative regions.

417

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Third

Steps Towards Reunion

It may be admitted by all, even those who are least
favorable to the idea of complete reunion, that it would
be well to keep the ideal of reunion before our eyes,
if only in order to minimize points of friction and to
promote co-operation in the broad field in which our
interests are identical. Even if we cannot have the
reunion, we might have the race alliance. This being
the case, we may devote the concluding chapter in this
book to a discussion of some of the suggestions which
have been made for the promotion of a sense of race
unity, whether or not we regard the ultimate goal as
one that is within the reach of ourselves or of our
descendants.

As a starting-point in this inquiry, it is well to quote
the familiar passage from Washington's farewell ad-
dress to the American people : 'The great rule of con-
duct for us in regard to foreign nations, is in extending
our commercial relations, to have with them as little
political connections as possible."

The advice is sound, but it must not: be read as

418

Policy of Isolation

equivalent to an interdict upon all political connection
whatever. All that Washington said was. "as little
political connection as possible." Now the irreducible
minimum of the eighteenth century is quite impossible
in the twentieth century, when politics and commerce
are inextricably intermingled. A policy of isolation
is denied to China, and is even unthinkable in relation
to the United States of America. At the same time
the general principle is sound. The fewer points
there are of political contact the less risk is there of
political collision.

Whatever federation, alliance, or reunion may ulti-
mately be effected, it is a condition sine qua non that
each member of the federation shall retain freedom
of national self-government, and unrestricted sover-
eignty to do exactly as he pleases in every department
excepting those which are specifically surrendered to
the central authority. As Mr. Carnegie says : "Each
member must be free to manage his own home as he
thinks proper, without incurring hostile criticism or
parental interference. All must be equal, allies, not
dependents."

A good deal may be done, and a good deal is being
done already, though a good deal more might be done
towards the cultivation of the sentiment of race unity.
One of the most simple and obvious suggestions which
to some extent has been acted upon of late years, has
been the celebration of the Fourth of July outside the
area of the United States of America. The practice
of hoisting flags on the birthday of the American
Republic has been gaining ground in Great Britain,

4J9

A Day of Reunion

and here and there Britons have begun to set apart the
sacred Fourth of July as a fete day of the race.

But the proposal to adopt the Fourth as the common
fete day of the race would be more than the ordinary
British subject could tolerate, at least just yet. As
year after year passes, he will come to celebrate the
Fourth heartily and ungrudgingly ; but if there is to
be a common fete day of the race, it should commem-
orate the clay of reunion rather than the day of separa-
tion. It would be easy to lose ourselves in premature
discussion as to the fete day which would meet with
the most general acceptance, both in the Empire and in
the Republic. Shakespeare's birthday is one sugges-
tion ; the day of the signature of Magna Charta is
another; but no suggestion that has yet been made
seems likely to command so much support as the pro-
posal to set apart the Third of September as Reunion
Day.

On the 3rd of September, 1783, the King and Govern-
ment of Great Britain, in the midst of acclamations
and rejoicings of the peoples on both sides of the At-
lantic, acknowledged the independence which had been
claimed on the Fourth of July, and made peace with
all the countries that had been involved in the great
controversy. On that day Great Britain publicly
acknowledged that her first-born son had reached a
man's estate, and was fully entitled to rank as a nation
among the nations. It was the first day that the
divided race celebrated together the pact of peace.

The 3rd of September is also a famous day in British
annals. It was Cromwell's great day, the day of Dun-

420

An International Holiday

bar and of Worcester, the clay on which he opened his
Parliaments, the day on which he passed into the
presence of his Maker. Cromwell, the common hero
of both sections of the race, summoned his first Parlia-
ment on the 4th of July, and his inaugural address was
the first Fourth of July oration that was ever delivered.
It was instinct with the conviction of the reality of the
providential mission of the English-speaking race.
In his own words : "We have our desire to seek heal-
ing and looking forward than to rake into sores and
look backwards."

Many suggestions have been made as to the outward
and visible sign by which the approximation of the two
races could be symbolized to mankind. When Earl
Grey, in 1896, was going out to the Cape to take up
the Government of Rhodesia, he noticed on the arm of
a steward in the Dunotiar Castle a somewhat curious
tattooed device, with the description of "Hands all
round." On asking to look at it more closely, he
found that there was a ship in full sail in the centre,
with a device of flags, one the Union Jack, the other
that of New South Wales.

The motto seemed so apposite that he copied the
design from the sailor's arm, and sent it on to me with
the suggestion that "this might serve as an outward
and visible sign of the unity of the race." By sub-
stituting a mail steamer for the full-rigged sailing-
ship, and replacing the flag of New South Wales by
the Stars and Stripes, the resulting escutcheon may
be commended for consideration to the citizens of both
countries.

42J

An Aid to Race Unity

One thing that might be done and that at once would
be the publication of more American news in the
English papers. I do not refer so much to telegrams,
inadequate as our service is from the other side, but I
refer rather to the publication of special articles deal-
ing with the immense multiplicity of matters of in-
terest with which the American newspapers are
crowded.

The Americans are much better informed concern-
ing English affairs than we are concerning the
social, industrial and scientific movements of the
United States. The news that reaches us from Amer-
ica is almost entirely confined to market quota-
tions and political elections. The electoral struggles
between parties in either country are as a rule the most
uninteresting items of news that could be chronicled
in the other.

When I was in Chicago, seven years ago, I was
much impressed by the immense superiority of the
European news service of the Chicago papers to the
American news service of the London papers. The
Chicago citizen on Sunday morning would find as a
rule three special correspondents' letters from London,
one from Paris, and one from Berlin, telegraphed the
previous night, each of the length of a column or
more, giving a very intelligent, brightly written sketch
of the history of the week.

We have nothing approaching to that from the other
side in any of our English papers. I remember tak-
ing note, for six months after I came from Chicago,
of all the items of Chicago news that appeared in the

422

International Citizenship

English papers. I think in the six months there was
only one telegram, which gave a brief and misleading-
account of a regulation said to have been adopted by
the City Fathers against the use of bloomers by lady
cyclists in the city parks.

That was literally the only item of information
which reached this country concerning the life of the
second greatest city in the United States. There is
no disinclination on the part of the British public to
read American news. The fault lies solely with those
who purvey it.

Passing from matters which lie within the scope
of private enterprise and individual initiative, we come
to the proposal made some time ago by Mr. Dicey and
strongly supported in other quarters for the adoption
of a mutual agreement between the Governments of
the two countries for the proclamation of a common
citizenship, so that every subject of the King should
become a citizen of the United States and every citizen
of the United States should become entitled to all the
privileges enjoyed by a British subject in whatever
part of the world he may happen to live. Mr. Dicey
put his suggestion in a very concrete shape. He
said : —

"My proposal is summarily this: That England and the
United States should, by concurrent and appropriate legisla-
tion, create such a common citizenship, or, to put the matter
in a more concrete and therefore in a more intelligible form,
that an Act of the Imperial Parliament should make every
citizen of the United States, during the continuance of peace
between England and America, a British subject, and that
simultaneously an Act of Congress should make every British
subject, during the continuance of such peace, a citizen of the

423

International Citizenship

United States. The coming into force of the one Act would
be dependent upon the passing and coming into force of
the other. Should war at any time break out between the
two countries, each Act would ipso facto cease to have ef-
fect

"My proposal is not designed to limit the complete na-
tional independence either of England or of the United States.
There would, for the foundation of a common citizenship,
be no need for any revolution, even of a legal kind, in the
Constitution either of England or of the United States.
Community of citizenship would affect not civil, but political
rights. If the Acts creating isopolity were passed, a citizen
of the United States would, on the necessary conditions be-
ing fulfilled, be able to vote for a member of Parliament, to
sit in Parliament, and, if fortune favored, become a Cabinet
Minister or a Premier. He might aspire, did his ambition
lead in that direction, to the House of Lords. So, on the
other hand, a British subject, to whom American citizenship
has been extended, might, on the necessary conditions being
fulfilled, vote for a member of Congress, become a member
of the House of Representatives, or even a Senator. . . .

"The immediate results, indeed, of a common citizenship
would be small, but, as far as they went, they would all be
good. ... It would, further, be an unspeakable advantage
that this sense of unity should be proclaimed to the whole
world. The declaration of isopolity would be an announce-
ment which no foreign State could legitimately blame or
wisely overlook — that men of English descent in England
and America alike were determined to safeguard the future
prosperity of the whole English people."

This would obviate the necessity of any abjuring
of nationality when Americans came to Great Britain
or when British subjects settled in the United States.
A form of declaration could easily be drawn up, which
would be equivalent to an oath of allegiance to either
the Republic or to the Crown, and which would not
in the least impair the original allegiance due to the
country in which any one was born. As Americans
are likely to settle in increasing numbers in this
country, they are more likely to appreciate the ad-

424

Benefit of Common Citizenship

vantage of such an arrangement than they would have
been at a time when the migration was all the other
way.

They are also likely to appreciate the advantage of
such an arrangement more keenly the more widely
they scatter in foreign lands. The more America ex-
pands, the more handy will it be for the American
citizen to avail himself of the services of the British
Consul or British Ambassador wherever he may be.
After a time, indeed, it might be possible largely to
avoid the duplication of diplomatic and consular
staffs. But that is a long way off, and need not be
considered now. Every American or British citizen
could avail himself of the help of two officials, in-
stead of one, and in like manner he could rely upon
the support of the fleets of both nations for the punish-
ment of any high-handed wrong inflicted upon him
in any part of the world. In the Cuban War the pro-
tection of American interests in Spain was entrusted
to British diplomacy, and in the South African Re-
publics to the American Consul at Pretoria. This
arrangement worked excellently, and there is no
reason why it should not be carried a step farther.

We now come to consider whether anything can be
done to assimilate the laws of the two countries so
far as they relate to those subjects which are of inter-
national interest, such as copyright, trade-mark, mar-
riage and divorce, patents, etc. The first practical
step towards bringing the Empire and the Republic
into organic relations with each other would be, accord-
ing to Mr. Carnegie's idea: —

425

A Higher Supreme Court

"The appointment by the various nations of our race of
International Commissions charged with creating a system
of weights, measures, and coins, of port dues, patents, and
other matters of similar character, which are of common
interest. If there be a question upon which all authorities are
agreed, it is the desirability of introducing the decimal sys-
tem of weights, measures, and coins : but an International
Commission seems the only agency capable of bringing it
about."

After this was done, Mr. Carnegie thinks that a
"General Council should be evolved by the English-
speaking nations, to which may at first only be referred
all questions of dispute between them."

"Building upon the Supreme Court of the United States,
may we not expect that a still higher Supreme Court is one
day to come, which shall judge between the nations of the
entire English-speaking race as the Supreme Court at Wash-
ington already judges between States which contain the ma-
jority of the race? The powers and duties of such a Coun-
cil once established may be safely trusted to increase. To
its final influence over the race, and through the race over
the world, no limit can be set. In the dim future it might
even come that the pride of the citizen in the race as a whole
would exceed that which he had in any part thereof, as the
citizen of the Republic to-day is prouder of being an Ameri-
can than he is of being a native of any State in the Union."

Once establish a Court competent to give judgment
upon specified questions, they would be settled without
any necessity for passing them through diplomatic
channels. Appeal would be made to the Court direct.
Questions coming before the Court should be divided
into categories. The first would include all questions
dealing with inventions, treaties, etc., which would
be decided upon strictly legal lines.

The foreign offices of the two countries would no

426

Protection vs. Free Trade

more think of interfering with the settlement of such
questions than the Secretary of State at Washington
would think of preventing an appeal to the Supreme
Court. The second category would cover ordinary
disputes now dealt with by diplomacy. If diplomacy
failed, a special arbitrator might be appointed to deal
with special cases. Supposing that we succeed in
establishing the principle of common citizenship, and
international conventions governing our international
relations on the lines suggested by Mr. Carnegie, it
might be well to stop there, and not carry the prin-
ciple further at present. But if we ever get so far,
we shall go further.

Few things are more certain than that there will
be a great slump in the principle of Protection. The
country which can produce more cheaply than its
neighbor will not be long in recognizing the necessity
of the principle of free trade. Already the most ab-
solute free trade prevails between all the States and
territories composing the American Union. It is
not inconceivable that the area of free trade may in
time be extended, not only to the United States, but
to all the countries inhabited by an English-speaking
race.

There remains the question of whether there should
be an alliance, offensive or defensive, between the two
States. When the United States was engaged in the
war with Spain, the Americans relied very confidently
upon the support of Great Britain, and to this day the
belief is firmly fixed in the minds of the majority of
the American people that the British Government went

427

Convenient Alliances

a great deal further than was actually the case in
threatening to ally its fleet with that of the United
States if the European Powers ventured to intervene
on behalf of Spain.

The Americans rightly shrink from any entangling
alliances with Great Britain which would involve
them in an obligation to sacrifice the benefits of peace
whenever a hot-headed English minister chose to
quarrel with Russia, or any other European Power.
But alliances between nations are capable of infinite
degrees of intimacy. For instance, the Franco-Russian
alliance, leaves each Power absolutely free to conduct
its own foreign policy and to make its own wars with-
out involving the other in any obligation to depart from
the policy of neutrality.

The Franco-Russian arrangement provided that if
either France or Russia is attacked by two Powers,
the other party to the alliance is bound to assist its
ally ; but if Germany attacked Russia, France would be
under no obligation to draw the sword, unless Germany
were backed up by Austria. In that case, France
would have to enter the field. In like manner, if Ger-
many attacked France, Russia would be under no
obligation to interfere unless another Power joined
Germany. This represents a form of alliance which
secures both parties against an attack by a coalition
without entailing any obligation upon either to assist
the other in case of a single-handed war or a war of
aggression.

Mr. Arthur White, writing in the North American

425

Convenient Alliances

Review for April, 1894, suggested the following draft
of the terms of an Anglo-American Alliance : —

"Great Britain shall become an ally of the United
States in the event of any European Power or Powers
declaring war against the latter. On the other hand,
the United States shall guarantee friendly neutrality
in the event of Great Britain becoming involved in war
with one or more of the European Powers, concerning
issues that in no way concern the Pacific interests of
the United States, and in that case the United States
shall render to Great Britain every assistance, positive
and negative, allowed to neutrals."

The Triple Alliance is closer than that between
France and Russia, but still it is an alliance with lim-
ited liability.

The question as to whether it is possible for a race
alliance to be formed between the various members of
the English-speaking federation, which would leave
each member free to pursue its own foreign policy,
while securing each against an attack from a coalition,
has been the subject of very thoughtful discussion by
Mr. Stevenson, who, however, was thinking not so
much of an alliance between the Republic and the
Empire as of the familiar idea of an alliance between
Great Britain and her self-governing colonies.

Mr. Stevenson, foreseeing a time when the Common-
wealth of Australia will wish to pursue its own foreign
policy in the Pacific, asks : Is it possible to gratify the
desire of an independent colony to pursue a foreign
policy without at the same time compelling the Mother
Country to support such foreign policy by the armies

429

An Ingenious Alliance

and navies of Great Britain? He maintained that it
was quite possible. He expressed his approval of
such an alliance between Great Britain and the self-
governing colonies, whereby they could make peace or
war of their own accord, without endangering the
Mother Country or the colonies.

His suggestion was very ingenious. He proposed
that when the great self-governing colonies should
arrive at man's estate, they should be allowed each in
its own zone to act as independent and sovereign
States in making peace or war, and in concluding
treaties, commercial or otherwise, with their neighbors.
In place of the Empire, he would substitute a Solemn
League and Covenant, by which each member of the
Imperial Union would be free either to make common
cause with any of the other members of the Union,
should they embark upon war, or should be not less
free to declare their neutrality. The bond between the
English-speaking nations would be reduced to an
obligation to guarantee the home lands of the race
against foreign conquest, and a joint guarantee by each
and all of the right to neutrality.

This would work in practice somewhat as follows : —
If the Solemn League and Covenant had been sub-
stituted for the Imperial tie, Canada would be free to
attack France, if she refused to settle the French shore
difficulty in a manner satisfactory to Newfoundland.
No other State in the League would be under any
obligation to help Canada, which could make war or
peace with France on her own account. But if France,
refusing to recognize this neutrality, were to attack

430

Alliance Possibilities

Australia or the United Kingdom, every other member
of the League would be bound to make common cause
against France in order to vindicate the right of
neutrality.

Supposing France, recognizing the declaration of
neutrality, nevertheless defeated Canada and attempted
to annex Canadian territory, by right of conquest,
then all the other members of the League would be
bound to make war on France to compel her to con-
fine her compensation to financial indemnity. The
two great basic principles of the League would be the
mutually guaranteed right of neutrality and the mutual
guarantee of the inviolability of all the territory oc-
cupied by the English-speaking peoples.

Twenty years ago Senator Lamar said : "Whenever
America is in need of allies, I will tell you what will
happen. Some wise British statesman will suggest an
Anglo-Saxon League, something akin to the League
in Europe when Henry IV. ruled France. This will
not be an alliance offensive and defensive."

Mr. Secretary Hay declared in 1897 that : "It is a
sanction like that of religion which binds us to a sort
of partnership in the beneficent work of the world.
Whether we will it or not, we are associated in that
work by the very nature of things, and no man and no
group of men can prevent it. We are bound by a tie
which we did not forge, and which we cannot break.
We are joint ministers of the same sacred mission of
liberty and progress, charged with duties which we
cannot evade by the imposition of irresistible hands."

If the reunion of the race is written in the book of

431

A Supreme Power Necessary

Destiny, then in vain do we strive against it. The bene-
fits likely to accrue to the world from such a reunion
are naturally more obvious to the English-speaking
communities than to those which lie outside the pale.
But one of the strongest expressions of sympathy with
the aspiration of the race for a higher unity came from
a foreign observer, who, under the name of Nauticus,
contributed a notable article on the subject to the Fort-
nightly Review in 1894. He deplored the schism be-
tween the United States and Great Britain on the
ground that it divided and weakened the expression
of the Anglo-Saxon will, for he declared himself per-
suaded that this Anglo-Saxon will ought to have upon
the world in future an even greater influence than it
had in the past.

The world, he said, could well afford "to place its
confidence in the integrity and fairness of the Anglo-
Saxon race. For the sake of peace and disarma-
ment it seems necessary that some superior power
should be created. Such a re-united Anglo-Saxondom
would be a supreme sea-Power of the world," and as
such could give an extension to the rights of neutrals
which, in his opinion, would render war impracticable.
He said : "It is not merely that the combined navies
would be strong. Far more weighty are the consider-
ations that the British Empire and the United States
share between them nearly all the work of providing
other countries with the food, raw material and manu-
factures which those countries cannot provide at home,
and of carrying the ocean-borne trade of the world.
Why should not your combined navies declare war, re-
432

The Anglo-Saxon Should Dominate

fuse henceforth to acknowledge the right of any civil-
ized Power to close her ports or the ports of another
Power by blockading or otherwise ? Surely that would
sound the knell of war."

Air. A. W. Tourgee, writing in the Contemporary
Review two years ago, said : —

"An alliance between the great branches of the Anglo-
Saxon family means the creation of a world-power against
which it is not only impossible that any European combina-
tion should make headway, but it will have such control of
the commercial and economic resources of the world as to
enable them to put an end to war between the Continental
Powers themselves without mustering an army or firing a
gun. Whether they desire it or not, the necessities of the
world's life, the preservation of their own political ideals,
and the commercial and economic conditions which they con-
front, must soon compel a closer entente between these two
great peoples. They are the peacemakers of the Twentieth
Century, the protectors of the world's development, the pro-
tectors of free independence and of the weak nationalities of
the earth."

Writing his book on the "Rise of the Empire," Sir
Walter Besant thus defined his conception of the great
reconciliation which he believed would some day take
place between the United States and the British
Empire.

"The one thing needful is so to legislate, so to speak
and write to each other that this bond may be strength-
ened and not loosened. We want, should a time op-
portune arrive, to separate only in form. We want
an everlasting alliance, offensive and defensive, such
an alliance as may make us absolutely free from the
fear of any other alliance which could crush us."

433

Sir George Grey

Sam Slick, in his homely fashion, hit the nail
on the head long ago, when, in his "Wise Saws," he
said : —

"We are two great nations, the greatest by a long chalk
of any in the world, speak the same language, have the same
religion, and our Constitution don't differ no great odds. We
ought to draw closer than we do. We are big enough, ugly
enough, and strong enough, not to be jealous of each other.
United we are more nor a match for all the other nations put
together. Single we could not stand against all, and if one
was to fall, where would the other be? Mournin' over the
grave that covers a relative whose place can never be filled.
It's authors of silly books, writers of silly papers, and dema-
gogues of silly parties, that help to estrange us. I wish there
was a gibbet high enough and strong enough to hang up all
those enemies of mankind."

A cool observer, who for a long time was a Nestor
among Colonial statesmen, Sir George Grey of New
Zealand, in his closing years loved to dwell upon the
future of the English-speaking race. "Here sat the
people of one language," was a sentence which he
used on one occasion when, addressing the Federal
Convention at Sydney in 1891, he indicated in one
pregnant phrase the territories occupied by our race.

No man was more free from Chauvinistic passion
than Sir George Grey, and few men were more unspar-
ing critics of the shortcomings of their countrymen.
But in his latest writings he placed his conviction on
record that, if the reunion were but attained, "it would
mean the triumph of Christianity, the highest moral
system man in all his history has known ; and .it would
imply the dominance of probably the richest language
that has ever existed. The adoption of a universal code

434

An Epoch of Federation

of morals and a universal tongue would pave the way
for the last great federation — the brotherhood of man."
In fine, we had reached an epoch of federation which
was the new form of human economy : —

"As its result war would by degrees die out from the face
of the earth. If you had the Anglo-Saxon race acting on a
common ground, they could determine the balance of power for
a fully peopled earth. Such a moral force would be irre-
sistible, and argument would take the place of war in the
settlement of international disputes. As the second great re-
sult of the cohesion of the race we should have life quick-
ened and developed, and unemployed energies called into
action in many places where they now lie stagnant."

For the attainment of the greater unity, Sir George
Grey suggested that the Governments at Washington
and Westminster should come to a standing agree-
ment "that whenever any subject affecting us both
arises, or when there is any question affecting the well-
being of the world generally, we shall meet in Con-
ference and decide upon common action. An Anglo-
American Council coming quietly into action when
there was cause, disappearing for the time when it
had done its work, would be a mighty instrument for
good."

There is no necessity for constituting an Anglo-
American Council for that purpose. If once the prin-
ciple were accepted, no important question of foreign
policy would be discussed either at Washington or
Westminster, without previous consultation between the
Foreign Secretary or Secretary of State through the
ordinary channels of diplomatic intercourse. The
American Ambassador at St. James' or the British

435

An Alliance of Self-Defence

Ambassador at Washington, would always be called
into Council whenever any decision was taken involv-
ing the possibility of foreign complications. Such an
arrangement would be much preferable to that of the
constitution of an Anglo-American Council as sug-
gested by Sir George Grey.

Mr. Carnegie shared the opinion of Sir George
Grey as to the beneficent influence which would be
exercised on the world by our reunited race. Such
reunion, he declared, would give us the future domin-
ion of the world, "and that for the good of the world,
for the English-speaking race has always stood first
among races for peace, plenty, liberty, justice and law,
and first, also, it will be found, for the government of
the people, for the people, and by the people. It is well
that the last word in the affairs of the world is to be
ours, and is to be spoken in plain English."

Mr. Carnegie's idea, which he expounded a little
more at length in 1899, maintained that patriotism of
race involved a mutual alliance limited for the pur-
poses of self-defence. "The present era of good feel-
ing," he said, "means that the home of Shakespeare and
Burns will never be invaded without other than native-
born Britons being found in its pavements.

"This means that the giant child, the Republic, is not
to be sat upon by a combination of other races, and
pushed to its destruction without a growl coming from
the old lion, which will shake the earth, but it will not
mean that either the old land or the new binds itself
to support the other in all its designs, either at home
or abroad, but that the Republic shall remain the friend

436

The Danger of Pride

of all nations and the ally of none, that being free
to-day of all foreign entanglements, she shall not
undertake to support Britain who has these to deal
with."

Sir Walter Besant was not less sanguine as to the
good results which would follow when the six great
nations — Britain, the United States, Canada, Australia,
New Zealand and South Africa, were united in a fed-
eration, in which a Board of Arbitration would be
the outward and visible sign of union. He said : —

"They would be an immense Federation, free, law-
abiding, peaceful, yet ready to fight, tenacious of all
customs, dwelling continually with the same ideas,
keeping each family as the unit, every home the centre
of the earth, every township of a dozen men the centre
of the Government."

The swelling phrase, "dominion of the World," is
one at which long experience teaches us to look
askance. It should be no ambition of ours to dominate
the world save by the influence of ideas and the force
of our example. The temptation to believe that we
are the Vicegerent of the Almighty, charged with the
thunderbolt of Heaven, for the punishment of evil-
doers, is one of the subtle temptations by which the
Evil One lures well-meaning people to embark upon
a course of policy which soon becomes indistinguish-
able from buccaneering pure and simple.

But when all due allowance has been made for the
danger of exposing the English-speaking man to the
temptation of almost irresistible power, the advantages
to be gained by the Reunion of the Race are so great

437

An Ideal

as to justify our incurring the risk. Such reunion,
to say the least of it, affords the world not merely the
shortest but the only road by which we can attain to
a realization of the ideal so nobly described by Sir John
Harrington, when writing in his "Oceana," he
asked : — ■

"What can you think but, if the world should see
the Roman Eagle again, she would renew her age and
her flight? If you add to the propagation of civil
liberty the propagation of the liberty of conscience, this
empire, this patronage of the world, is the Kingdom of
Christ. The Commonwealth of this make is a minister
of God upon earth, for which cause the orders last
rehearsed are buds of empire, such as that the blessing
of God may spread the arms of your Commonwealth
like a holy asylum to the distressed world, and give the
earth her Sabbath of years cr rest from her labors
under the shadow of vour wimrs."

438

The Americanization of
the World

Chapter Fourth

The End Thereof

I have now concluded a very rapid and most imper-
fect survey of some of the more potent forces which
are Americanizing the world. There remains the
great question whether the processes now visible in
operation around us will make for the progress and the
betterment of the world.

When Mr. Gladstone contemplated what he called
"the paramount question of the American future" be
expressed himself with the same sense of awe which
filled the Hebrew prophet when he had a vision of the
glory of the Lord and His train filled the Temple.

"There is a vision," said Mr. Gladstone, "of territory,
population, power, passing beyond all experience. The ex-
hibition to mankind for the first time in history of free in-
stitutions on a gigantic scale is momentous."

439

Mr. Gladstone's Questions

With his inveterate optimism, he declared that he
had enough faith in freedom to believe that it would
work powerfully for good : —

"But together with and behind these vast developments
there will come a corresponding opportunity of social and
moral influence to be exercised over the rest of the world,
and the question of questions for us as trustees for our pos-
terity is, what will be the nature of this influence? Will it
make us, the children of the senior race, living together under
its action, better or worse? Not what manner of producer,
but what manner of man is the American of the future to be?
How is the majestic figure, who is to become the largest and
most powerful on the stage of the world's history, to make
use of his power ?"

And then Mr. Gladstone went on in his accustomed
style to ask various questions as to how the influence
which the American would inevitably exercise in the
world would be used.

"Will it," he asked, "be instinct with moral life in pro-
portion to its material strength? One thing is certain, his
temptations will multiply with his power, his responsibilities
with his opportunities. Will the seed be sown among the
thorns? will worthlessness overrun the ground and blight
its flowers and its fruit? On the answers to these questions,
and to such as these, it will depend whether this new revela-
tion of power on the earth is also to be a revelation of virtue,
whether it shall prove a blessing or a curse. May Heaven
avert every darker omen, and grant that the latest and largest
growth of the great Christian civilization shall also be the
brightest and best?"

To Mr. Gladstone all this pompous detail of material
triumphs was worse than idle, unless they were re-

440

Good and Bad Qualities

garded simply as tools and materials for the attainment
of the highest purposes of our being. To use his own
striking phrase : —

"We must ascend from the ground floor of material indus-
try to the higher regions in which these nobler purposes are
to be wrought out."

Those who believe in progress, and those who see in
the trend of the centuries one endless march of what
Mazzini described as the "infinitely ascending spiral
which leads from matter up to God," must perforce
accept the transformation as part of the great law
which presides over the evolution of human society ; but
it is impossible not to recognize that this process, while
fraught with great and palpable advantages, is not
without its drawbacks. Life's fitful fever will become
more feverish than ever.

"The world is too much with us. Getting and
spending we lay waste our powers," said Wordsworth,
and the American tendency is to consume the whole of
our powers in the process, leaving none for the cultiva-
tion of the higher soul. An English journalist who
had spent long years in an American newspaper office
summed up the difference between the two branches
of the English-speaking race in a sentence. "In Eng-
land," he said, "you work in order to live; in Amer-
ica, they live only in order to work."

Each section of the race carries its natural tendency
to too great an extreme. Both would be better were
each to contribute of its best to the common stock.

44*

American Discontent

The rush and bustle of modern life, the eager whirl of
competitive business, the passionate rush to outstrip a
neighbor or a rival — all these things have their uses ;
they tend to eliminate the unfit, and to give the sur-
vivor superior efficiency, just as the speed of the deer
depends upon the fact that from day to day it is
hunted for its life.

But this struggle for existence may easily be carried
to such a point as to make existence itself hardly worth
having. The universal experience of the wisest and
best of mankind speaks with no uncertain voice in
condemnation of a life that has no leisure. As one
wise writer said, "if you are always catching trains,
you have no time to think of your soul."

A contented mind is a continual feast. But content
is scorned by the go-ahead American. I have learned,
said the Apostle, in whatsoever state I am, therewith
to be content. But, says the eager exponent of Amer-
icanism, the Americans succeed because they are never
contented. Divine discontent is very well, but there is
such a thing as undivine discontent, and there is a good
deal of the latter in the United States to-day.

Possibly, when the country is a little older, this tem-
pestuous eagerness natural to youth may give way to
a more sedate and tranquil spirit, but at present there
is very little evidence of that in the United States. It
not only does not exist, but the American journalists
glory in its absence. The following quotation from
an editorial in the New York Evening Journal of this
year expresses this point of view with an uncompro-
mising vigor which leaves nothing to be desired : —

442

Look on This Picture

"The nations of Europe, and especially the English, wonder
at the success of the American people.

"If any Englishman wants to know why the American race
can beat the English race in the struggle for industrial pre-
cedence, let him stand at the Delaware-Lackawanna station,
in Hoboken, from seven until nine in the morning as the
suburban trains come in.

"Far outside of the big railroad station the train appears,
puffing and panting, and while it is still going at dangerous
speed, men, young and old, are seen leaning far out from
every platform.

"As the train rushes in the men leap from the cars on
both sides, and a wild rush follows for the ferryboat. Not a
man is walking slowly or deliberately.

"It is one rush to business ; it is one rush all day ; it is one
rush home again.

"The gauge on the engine tells the pressure of steam and
the work that the engine can do.

"The gauge on the American human being stands at high
pressure all the time. His brain is constantly excited, his
machinery is working with a full head of steam.

"Tissues are burned up rapidly, and the machine often burns
up sooner than it should. The man bald and gray in his youth ;
the man a victim of dyspepsia, of nervousness, of narcotics
and stimulants, is a distinct American institution. He is an
engine burned out before. his time; but his work has been
done, and that the great locomotive works, The American
Mother, is for ever supplying the demand for new engines to
be run at dangerously high speed.

"The American succeeds because he is under high pressure
always, because he is determined to make speed even at the
risk of bursting the boiler and wrecking the machine."

This is an unlovely spectacle, which seems to those
of us who are not without sympathy with the strenu-
ous life, very much like a vision of hell.

443

And on This

How great a contrast to the calm, philosophic
life of thought, which is the ideal of the Eastern
Sage!

"The East bowed low in solemn thought
In silent deep disdain.
She heard the legions thunder past.
Then plunged in thought again."

In Asia whole populations have learned the lesson
that life is better spent in the contented possession of a
few things than in the mad rush after many. There
is a wealth which arises from the fewness of our
wants, as well as a wealth that is measured by the
amplitude of our resources.

' Tis not all of life to live,
Nor all of death to die,"

and the solemn inquiry still holds — "What shall it
profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose
his own soul ?"

444

Inde:

Abbey, E. A., 305.

Adams, Brooks, on the West

Indies, 72.
Adams, Francis, on Australia,

136.

AFRICA:
South Africa :
A Second Ireland, 31.
The Jameson Conspiracy,

5i-6i.
Pr_sident Kruger and the
Outlanders, 51-61.
British Incompetence in

S. Africa, 58-61.
The Native Question, 61.
Military Despotism, 63-

65-
Federation, 63.
The Diamond Mines, 68,

375-
The Canadian Contingent

in the War, 95-96, 109,

117, 121.
The Australian Contin-
gent in the War, 131-

138.
Portugal and Delagoa

Bay, 66-67.
Germany and S. Africa,

66-67.
The Americanization of

S. Africa, 51-69.
England in Egypt, 236-

237-
The Cape to Cairo Rail-
way, 362.
The American Missions

in Africa, 197.

Aguinaldo, 202.
Alaskan Dispute, 242.
Alexander, J. W, 307.
Aman-Jean, E., on American
Art, 308-309.

AMERICA (see also Canada,
Newfoundland, United
States, Central America,
South America, etc.) :

America under European
Powers, 243-244.

Pan-American Arbitration,
248-258.

AMERICANIZATION OF
THE WORLD :
Great Britain, 1-26.
Ireland, 27-50.
South Africa, 51-69.
Newfoundland and Canada,

83-122.
Australia, 123-144.
Germany and Austria-Hun-
gary, 163-182.
The Ottoman Empire, 183-

198.
Asia, 199-213.

Central and South Amer-
ica, 214-228.
The American Invasion,
_ 342-359-

Summing-Up, 381-444.
Reunion of the English-
Speaking Race, 17-50,
418-438.
Andrews, Mrs. Elizabeth, 212.
Arbitration, International, see

under Peace Movement.
Architecture in the United
States, 309.

445

Index

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC:
The Latin Population, 219-

220.
British Capital, 218.
Argentine for the Germans,
223.
Argyle, Duke of,

On England and the United

States, 157.
On Germany and the Ar-
gentine Republic, 223.
On the French Canadians,
106.
Armenia : American Missions,

101-192.
Art of the United States, 294-

295, 304-310.
Asia, Americanization of, 199-

213.
Astor, W. W., 330.
Astronomy, 313.
Athletics in America, 340-

341-

Atkinson, Edw., on the Pur-
chase of New Brunswick,
Nova Scotia, and Prince
Edward Island by the
United States, 104.
'Atlantic Monthly quoted, 180.
AUSTRALASIA and the
Australian Commonwealth
(see also New Zealand) :
The New Commonwealth ;

Map, 154-
The Constitution, 127-129.
The Australian High Court

and the Privy Council,

125-126.
Marriage and Divorce

Laws, 127.
Population, 130-141.
German Emigration to

Australia, 140-142.
The Question of Colored

Labor, 131-133.

446

The Tariff, 124.

The Australian Contingent

in S. Africa, 55, 56.
The Americanization of

Australia, 123-144. ,
A Monroe Doctrine for the.

Pacific, 128-130.
The Case of New Guinea,

128.
America in the Pacific, 199-

205.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY :

Germany and Austria, 15.

Tariffs, 177-178.

The Americanization of

Austria-Hungary. 175-

177.
Avcnir du Nord quoted, 11 1-

Babcock, K. C, on the Scan-
dinavians in the United
States. 158.

Bachmetieff, M., 185.

Bahamas, 71.

Bakewell, Mr., on New Zea-
land, 143.

Balfour, A. J.,

On England and America,

16.
On Coercion in Ireland, 99.

Balkan States, 183-198.

Ball, Sir Robert, on Amer-
ican Astronomy, 313.

Banana-Growing in Jamaica,

74-

Bancroft, George, on the Pop-
ulation of the United
States, 151.

Barbadoes, 71.

Bayard, T. F., on Canada
and the American Civil
War, 95.

Index

Beechex, Rev. Henry Ward,
267, 274.

Belgium. Prince Albert of, on
the American Invasion, 179.

Bellamy, Edward, 289.

Bennett, James Gordon, 329.

Berlin Americanized, 164.

Berlin Congress and Berlin
Treaty. 187-188.

Bermuda, ~i.

Besant, Sir Walter, on Anglo-
American Reunion, 414,

433. 4.7-

Beveridge, Senator, on Amer-
ican Expansion, 203-204.

Bildt, Baroness de, 319.

Bismarck, Prince, on German
Unity, 15.

Boating in America, 334-336.

Bosan de Perigord and Tal-
leyrand, Countess, 328.

Boston Journal quoted, 79.

Bourinot. Sir J. G, referred
to, 109.

Brazil for the Germans. 166-
167, 224.

Bridge Building. 361-363.

British Empire, see Colonies
and Empire.

Brooks, Sydney, on a Euro-
pean Customs Union, 180.

Brougham. Lord, quoted, 270.

Bryan, Col. C. P., on Brazil,
224.

Bryce, James, on the Ameri-
can Constitution. 24.

Bulgaria. Principality of, 185-
190.

Bushnell, Dr. Kate, 212.

Byron, Lord, quoted, 260.

CANADA :
The Constitution of the Do-
minion, 119.

The Right of Secession, gi-
Population. 92-120.
The Irish in Canada, 99.
The French-Canadians, 105-

115-

Treatment of the Indians,

120.
Mineral Wealth. 101.
The Klondyke Gold Mines,

104.
The Question of Tariffs, 94-

The Americanization of
Canada, 92-122.

The Question of Annexa-
tion by the United States,
1 10-122.

Fisheries Dispute between
Nova Scotia and Massa-
chusetts, 103.

Suggested Purchase of New
Brunswick, Nova Scotia,
and Prince Edward Isl-
and by the United States,
104.

Canadians and the Ameri-
can Civil War, 94-95.

Canadians and the War in
S. Africa, 95, 96, 109,
117, 121.

The Duke of Cornwall and
York's Visit to Canada,
in.

Canals, see Nicaragua, Pan-
ama.
Canevaro, Adm.. on Ameri-
can Competition, 179.
Canning, George, and the

Monroe Doctrine, 230.
Carnegie, Andrew :

On Canada, 114-117.

On International Arbitra-
tion, 251.

On the Mineral Resources
of Great Britain, 356.

447

Index

On Anglo-American Feder-
ation, 406-411, 419, 425-
426, 436.
Other References, 330-333,
362-363.
Catholic Church :
The French in Canada, 105-

112.
The Catholics in America,

255-258, 261, 274, 275.
Catholic Missions, 198.
Centennial quoted, 141.
CENTRAL AMERICA:
Map, 247.
Statistics, 219-220.
The Americanization of
Central America, 225-228.
The Isthmian Canal, 225-

228.
The Monroe Doctrine, 229-
247.
Chamberlain, Joseph,
His South African Policy,

51-69.
His Policy in the West In-
dies, 70-82.
His Attitude to Australia,

123-128, 132.
On the Right of Secession,

91.
Other References. 376. 40Q.
Chamberlain, Mrs. Joseph,

326.
Chicago Record-Herald quot-
ed, 186.
Chili, 218.

Chimay and Caraman, Prin-
cess de, 327.

CHINA:

The Crisis in China, 206.

The United States and
China. 206-208.

The American Mission-
aries, 208, 212.

448

Choate, J. H., on American
Democracy, 393.

Christian Endeavor Move-
ment, 272-273.

CHURCH AND CHRISTI-
ANITY:

Christians and Jews, 3.
The Catholics in Canada,

104-112.
The Catholics in America,

255-258, 261, 274, 275. _
Religion in the United

States, 255-275.
Foreign Missions, see Mis-
sions (Foreign).

Churchill, Lord Randolph,
323-326.

Civil War of America : Atti-
tude of Canada, 94.

Clark, Rev. F. E., 273.

Clark. Prof. J. B„ 378.

Clarke. Sir Edward, on Mur-
der for Profit, 203.

Cleveland, President, 58.

Clubs for Americans in Lon-
don, 331.

Cobden. Richard.
On America, 412-413.
On the Americans and Tur-
key, 193-
On Education in America.

384-385- .

Cockburn, Sir John, on the
Australian Constitution.
126.

Coghlan. Mr., on the Popula-
tion of Australia, 139.

COLONIES AND THE
BRITISH EMPIRE:
The British Constitution,
18-26.

Great Britain and Her Col-
onies, 429-431.

Index

Population and Area 4-12.

Finance, 11-12.

The Americanization of

England, 17-25.
The British in America, 43.
The Americanization of Ire-
land, 27-50.
The Government of Ire-
land, 27-50.
The Irish in America, 41.
The South African Ques-
tion, 51-69.
The Case of the West In-
dies, 70-82.
Newfoundland and Canada,

83-122.
Australia and New Zea-
land, 123-144.
Anglo-American Reunion,
17-50. 396-438.

Conger, E. H., 208.

Contemporary Review quot-
ed, 50, 415-416, 433-

Cooper, J. Fenimore, 284.

Corea : Openings for Ameri-
can Capital, 211.

Cornwall and York, Duke of,
in Canada, in; in New
Zealand, 143.

Cornwallis-West, Mrs. Geo.,
326.

Coyle, E. J., on the Foreign
Elements in the United
States, 158.

Croker, Richard,
On Expansion, 205.
Other References, 42, 338.

Cromwell, Oliver, 71, 420-
421.

Crucible of Nations (in the
United States), 145-160.

Cuba : The American Protec-
torate, 45, 76, 79-80.

Cummins, Mr., on the Ameri-
can People, 147.

Cunnlifif, Mr., quoted. \6j-
368.

Curtis, W. E., on the Ameri-
can Missions in Bulgaria,
186.

Curzon, Lord, Viceroy of In-
dia, 213.

Curzon, Lady, of Kedleston,
326.

Davies, Prof. H., on Canada,
118.

Delagoa Bay, 66-67.

Democracy in the United
States. 393-394-

Denmark and the West In-
dies, 243-245.

Depew, Chauncey M., on
American Railways, 369.

Derby, 15th Earl of, on An-
glo-American Reunion, 402.

Deutsche Revue, quoted, 223.

Diamond Mines of Kimber-
.ley, 68, 375.

Dicey, Mr., on Common Citi-
zenship, 423-424.

Dillon, Dr. E. J., 402.

Dominica, 72.

Dryden, Mr., Canadian in
Dakota,

Dufferin, Marquis of. on the
American People, 318.

Duffy, Sir C. Gavan, on Aus-
tralia, 137.

Durham, 1st Earl of, and His
Mission to Canada, 105.

East Indies, Dutch Posses-
sions, 129-130.

Education in England and in
the United States. 384-388.

Egypt: English Administra-
tion, 236-237.

Emerson, Ralph Waldo. 279.

Emigration to the United
States, 156-158.

449

Index

Empire, see Colonies and Em-
pire.

Engineering, Locomotives,
&c, American Competition
with England, 34-2-359. 360-
3/i-

English Language in the
United States, 157-160, 302,

303-
English People; a Composite

Race, 148.
English-Speaking World :
The United States and the

British Empire, 1-3.
Basis for Reunion, 17-26.
Steps Towards Reunion,

17-25, 418-438.
The Americanization of the
World, see Americaniza-
tion.
Entwhistle, Edward, 360.
d'Estournelles de Constant,

Baroness, 319.
Europe, Americanization of,

161-182.
Evans, Mr., on Canada, 92.

Finance (see also Tariffs un-
der Protection) :
Finance of the British Em-
pire and of the United
States, 1 1 -12.
American Competition, 342-
380.
Finney, Prof., 268.
Finot, Jean, on the American

Plutocracy, 322.
Fisheries Disputes:
France and Newfoundland,

83-92.
Nova Scotia and Massachu-
setts, 113.
Foraker Act in Porto Rico.

77-
Ford. Patrick, referred to, 41.

450

Fortnightly Review quoted,

432.
Forum quoted, 158.

FRANCE :

Population, Finance, &c,

11-12.
France and Newfoundland,

83-92.
France and Canada, 105-

A Franco-Russian Alliance.
428-429.
Franklin, Benjamin, 278.
Frechette, Louis, on the

United States and Canada,

no.
Fremdenblatt quoted, 175.
Furness, Sir Christopher, on

the Trust, 377.

Gage, Lyman J., on Ameri-
can Ships, 374.

George III. and the American
Colonies, 6, 21, 401-407.

George, Henry,

On Australia. 137-138.
Literary Work, 288.

GERMANY :

German Unity, 13-15.
Germany and Austria. 13-

Population, Finance, &c,

n-12.
Increase of the Navy. 170-

171.
Imports from the United

States, 169-170.
European Customs Union,

Need for a. 161-182.
Germans as Colonists, 140-

142.
German Colonies, 167.
Germany and S. Africa, 66-

67.
Germany in the Pacific, 131,

Index

German}' and Samoa, 200.
Germany and the West In-
dies, J2.
Germany and Brazil, 166-

167, 224.
Argentina for the Germans,

223.
The Germans in the United

States, 165-166.
The Americanization of

Germany, 163-170.
Kaiser or the Americaniza-
tion of Germany, 164-170.
Gladstone. W. E.,
On the English-Speaking

Race, 198.
On England and Egypt,

236.
On the American Constitu-
tion, 25.
On American Trade Meth-
ods, 346-347-
On the American Future,
439-44L
Goblet d'Alviella, Countess,

328.
Gold Mines :
S. Africa, 55-64.
Klondyke, 104-105.
Goluchowski. Count A., on
American Competition, 168-

Gomez, Gen., on Cuba, 80.

Gorst, Sir John, on Educa-
tion in England. 387.

Great Britain and the Brit-
ish Empire, see Colonies
and Empire.

Grey, Earl, 421.

Grey, Sir Edward, referred
to, 73-

Grey, Sir Georee, on Anglo-
American Federation, 434-
436.

Guiana, British, 81.

Griffin, Mrs. Hugh Reid, 331.

Hague Peace Conference, 253.
Halle, Dr. von, on the Amer-
ican Shipyards, 371.
Hamburg Americanized, 164.
Hammond, John Hays, 57.
Harrington, Sir John, quoted,

438.
Harris, Joel Chandler, 288-

289.
Harrison, Frederic, on Amer-
ica, 297. 386.
Hartzell, Bishop, 198.
Hatzfeldt, Countess. 318.
Hawaii Annexed by the Unit-
ed States, 200.
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 282.
Hay, John,
On the Monroe Doctrine,

239-240.
On American Policy in

China, 206.
On England and the Unit-
ed States, 431.
Hayti, 81.
Hazeltine, W. M., on Canada,

"5-
Hearst, W. R.. and His News-
papers, 295-300.
Hecker, Father, 274-275.
Helleben, Dr. von, 173.
Herbert. Hon. Mrs. M., 319.
Holland in the East Indies.

129.
Holls. F. \V.. and the Peace

Conference, 253.
Holmes. Oliver Wendell, 286.
Home, D. D., 270.
Horses and Racing in Amer-
ica. 337-339-
Howells, W. D.,
On the American People,
147-

45J

Index

Howells, W. D.,
On the Monroe Doctrine,
231.
Huskisson, Mr., 360.

Independence Day, 419-420.
Independence, Declaration of,

33-
INDIA:

The Americans and India,

212.
Official Regulation of Vice,
212.
Indians of America, 120.

IRELAND :

Home Rule, 50, 415-417.

Irish Discontent, 28.

The Irish in America, 41,

459-

The Irish in Newfound-
land, 89-99.

The Irish in Canada, 99.

The Americanization of
Ireland, 27-50.
Irish Language in America,

159-
Irving, Washington, 285.

JAMAICA :

Cromwell's Conquest, 71.

Sugar-Growing, 70-82.

Bananas, 74.

Exports and Imports, 78-79.
Jamaica Daily Telegraph

quoted, 74.
James I. Referred to, 93.
Jameson Conspiracy in South

Africa, 51-61.

JAPAN :

The Labor Question, T32-

133- , T

The Awakening of Japan,

209-210.
Monument to Commodore

Perry, 209.

452

The American Treaty, 1853,

210.
Bombardment of Shimono-

seki. 210.
Assassination of Hoshi
Toru, 2U.
Jews and Christians, 3.
Journalism :

American Topics in Eng-
lish Newspapers, 422-423.
Journalism in the United
States, 290-300.
July 4 Celebrations, 419-420.

Kaneko. Baron K., on Amer-
ica and Japan, 209.

Kasson, J. A., on Reciprocity,
178.

Kekewich, Col., Referred to,

63-
Kimberley Diamond Mines,

68, 375-

Kingsley. Charles, on the
West Indies, 71.

Kipling, Rudyard, 203.

Klatte, Dr. W, on American
Music, 316-317.

Klondyke Gold Mines, 104-
105.

Klumpke Sisters, 311-312.

Korea : Openings for Ameri-
can Capital, 211.

Kossuroth, Mrs. W. B., 186.

Labor Questions :

Incentives to Workmen,

382, 388-392.
Profit-Sharing and Co-
partnership, 391.
Colored Labor, 131-133-

Lamar, Senator, on an Anglo-
American Alliance, 431.

Laurier, Sir W.,
On Canada, 99, HI.
On Irish Home Rule, 100.

Lefevre, G. Shaw, on Eng-

Index

land and South America,

217-218.
Leng, Sir John, on the Patent

Laws, 392.
Leroy-Beaulieu, Paul, on a

European Zollverein, 179.
Life quoted, 329.
Lipton, Sir Thomas, 335.
Literature and Journalism in

the United States, 276-303.
Lloyd, Henry Demarest, 289,

375-
Longfellow, Henry Wads-
worth, 280.
Lowell, James Russell,

Quoted, 16, 276.

Literary Work, 281.
Lynch Law in the LTnited

States, 156.

Macaulay, Lord, Referred to,
161.

Macedonia under Turkish
Rule, 186-188.

McGovern, Chauncey, Quot-
ed, 11-12.

McHugh, P. A., Referred to,
49-

Mackenzie, Fred, on the
American Invasion, 353-
355-

McKinley. President,
His Attitude to South Af-
rica, 66.
On Canada, 115.
On Reciprocity. 177-178.

Mahan, Capt., and an Ameri-
can Navy, 371.

MAPS:

Possessions of the English-
Speaking Race, Frontis-
piece.

Europe and America com-
pared, 246.

West Indies, British and

American, 68.
Central America and the

Rival Canals, 247.
Australasia, 154.
Marlborough, Duchess of,

326.
Marriage :

Marriage and Divorce in

Australia, 127.
American Wives in Europe,

318-333-

Martin, Mrs. Biddulph, 328.
Maxim, Sir Hiram,
On Canada, 103.
On English and American

Tools, 352-353-
On Anglo-American Feder-
ation, 406.
Mein, Capt., 57.
Methot, Miss M., 315.
Mexico : The Tehuantepec

Railway, 227-228.
Milner, Lord, and S. Africa,

51-61, in.
Mines :
Kimberley Diamonds, 68,

375-
Gold in S. Africa, 55-64.
Gold of Klondyke, 104.
Mines of Canada, 101.
Minto, Earl of. in.
Missions, Foreign,
Missions of the English-
Speaking World ; Statis-
tics, 197.
American Missionaries in

Turkey, &c, 183-198.
American Missionaries in
Asia, 208-212.
Monaco, Princess of, 326.
Monarchy and Republic, 17.
Monod, Mme. Henri, 328.
Monroe, President James,
Quoted, 229.

453

Index

MONROE DOCTRINE:
What the Monroe Doctrine

is, 229-247.

The Klondyke Case, 104-105

The Monroe Doctrine in S.

America, 167, 215-216,

229-247.

The Venezuelan Dispute,

55-61, 231, 241, 251.
A Monroe Doctrine for the

Pacific, 128-130.
Other Reference, 81.
Montesquieu Referred to, 26.
Moody. D. L., 269.
Moore, Mrs. Blomfield, 328
Morgan, J. Pierpont,

His Purchase of the Ley-
land Line of Steamers,
372-37 ^.
Other References, 331, 375-
Mossouloff. General, 191.
Motley, J. L., 285.
Murray, David Christie, on

Australia, 136.
Music of the United States,
3I4-3I7-

National Review Quoted, 75-
Nauticus on Anglo-American

Reunion, 432.
Navies :

Increase of the German
Navy, 170-171.

An American Navy, 371-
372.
Negroes of the United States,

155-156.
Nevada, Emma, 315.
New Brunswick, 104.
New Guinea: Australia and

a Protectorate, 128-130.
New York Herald Quoted,

173-
New York Journal, &c, 295-

299.

454

NEW ZEALAND:

An Independent Communi-
ty, 144.

Visit of the Duke of Corn-
wall and York, 143.

New Zealand and the Pa-
cific, 130.

The United States and New
Zealand, 142-143.

NEWFOUNDLAND :
The Americanization of

Newfoundland, 83-91.
France and the Fisheries.

83-91- p ,

The Irish in Newfound-
land, 89-90.
Nicaragua Canal, 225-228.
Nineteenth Century Quoted,

47, \Ai, 297, 408.
Nonconformists in the United

States, 264-267.
North American Review

Quoted, 157, 406, 428.
Nova Scotia, 93"I05-
Novoye Vremya Quoted, 14.

O'Brien, William, on Ireland
and America, 47.

Olney, Richard,
Mr. Olney and the Monroe

Doctrine, 229-247.
On War, 251.

Ottoman Empire, see Turkey.

Outlanders of the Trans-
vaal, see under Africa.

PACIFIC ISLANDS:
A Monroe Doctrine for the

Pacific, 128-130.
New Zealand and the Pa-
cific. 130.
The Case of New Guinea,

128-130.
Germany in the Pacific,
131, 200.

Index

The Americans in Samoa,
200.

American Annexation of

Hawaii, 200.
American Annexation of
the Philippine Islands,
201-202.
The Dutch East Indies, 129-
130.
Paget, Mrs. Arthur, 328.
Pan-American Problems, see

under America.
Panama Canal, 225-228.
Parliamentary :

The English Constitution,

17-25.
Monarchy and Republic, 17.
Colonial and American
Constitutions, see under
Canada, Australasia, Unit-
ed States, &c.
Patent Laws, 392-393.
Pauncefote, Lord, and the

Peace Conference, 253.
Peabody, George, 332.
Peace and International Ar-
bitration :
The Hague Conference,

253-
International Arbitrations
in Anglo-American Dis-
putes, 249-250.
The United States and In-
ternational Arbitration,
248-254.
Pan-American Arbitration,
247-252.
Pearson's Magazine Quoted,

12.
Peetz, Dr., on American Com-

petition, 175.
Periodical Literature in the

United States, 300.
Perry, Commodore, Monu-
ment to, in Japan, 209,

Peru, 219-221, 255-256.
Philippine Islands : American

Annexation, 44, 201-202.
Phipps, Mr., 330.
Pickering, Prof.. 313.
Pingree, Governor, on the

Trust, 376.
Pirbright, Lord, on the West

Indies, 75.
Poe, E. A., 284.
Polo in America, 340.
Popoff, Mrs., 186.

POPULATION:
The World, 8-12.
The British Empire. 4-12.
Other European Countries,

8-12.
The United States, 4-12, 43,

92, 151-156.
Canada, 92, 118.
Australia, 139.

PORTO RICO:

American Rule, 76-82.

Sugar-Growing, 76-82.
Portugal and South Africa,

66-67.
Prince Edward Island. 104.
Privy Council, Australia and,

125-126.
Proctor, Senator, on Britain

and the United States in

Asia and the Pacific, 128.

PROTECTION AND FREE

TRADE:
The Sugar Question, 70-82.
The Tariff in Canada, 94-

117.
The Tariff in Australia,

124-125.
The Tariff in Austria. 175.
A European Customs

Union, 174-181.
Recinmcity, 176-181.
Free Trade, 343-345-
455

Index

Protection, The Coming
Slump in, 427.

Quarterly Review Referred
to, 24.

Racing, &c.. 337-339-

RAILWAYS :

Railways in the United

States, 369-370.
George Stephenson and the

"Rocket," 360.
American Locomotives, &c,
in England, 360-371.

Redmond, John, 41, 44. 100.

Reid, Sir Wemyss, on the
West Indies, 81.

Reid, Whitelaw, on the Min-
isters of the Crown, 22.

Religion, see Church and
Christianity.

Remus, Uncle, 287.

Republic and Monarchy, 17.

Reunion of the English-
Speaking Race, 17-25, 396-

438.

Reunion Day. 420-421.

Review of Reviews referred
to, 124.

Review of Reviews (Amer-
ica), referred to, 300.

Review of Rcviczus (Austral-
asia) referred to, 124.

Revue de Paris quoted, 171.

Rhodes, Cecil J.,
On S. Africa, 51-69.
On Argentina, 222.
On the American Consti-
tution, 26.
On Anglo-American Feder-
ation. 403.
Other References, 362-375.

Robert College, 189-192.

Roberts. Earl, and the Army
in India, 213.

Rockefeller, J. D., 375.

456

Roosevelt, President Theo-
dore,

On Canada and the United
States, 112.

On Reciprocity, 178.

On the Monroe Doctrine,
229-247.

On the American Navy,

371-373-
On the Trust, 378.
Other References, 156, 216.
Rosebury, Earl of,

On American Energy, 3-j.
On Anglo-American Re-
union. 399-400.
Russell, T. W., on French
Quebec, 106.

RUSSIA:

Population, Finance, etc., 8-

12.
A Democratic Country. 163.
A Franco-Russian Alliance,

428-429.
Russia and the United
States.
Ryswick, Treaty of. 84.

Salisbury, Marquis of, on the
American Constitution, 26.

Samoa, German and Amer-
ican, 200.

San Domingo. 81.

San Stefano, Treaty of, 187.

Sandwich Islands: Amer-
ican Annexation of Hawaii,
200.

Sankey. Ira D., 269.

Santa Lucia, 72.

Sargent, J. S.. 305-306.

Scandinavians in America,
305-306.

Science in the United St?.te:,
310-314.

Scientific American quoted,
386.

Index

Scgur, Pierre de, quoted, 171.
Servia, King Alexander of.

320.
Seward, Secretary, on Canada
and the United States, 92.
Shaw, Dr. Albert,
On Home Rule, 50, 416.
On the British Empire, 415-

416.
On the West Indies,
Sheldon. Rev. C. M.. 289.
Sherman, Senator, on Inter-
national Arbitration, 251.
Shipping and Shipbuilding:
Shipbuilding in England
and in the United States,
371-375.
The Leyland Line of
Steamers sold to J. P.
Morgan, 372-373.
Slick, Sam, 286; quoted. 434.
Smith. Adam, on Anglo-
American Federation, 397-
308.
Smith, Prof. Goldwin,
On the French in Canada,

105-108.
On Canada and England,

245-
Sotaro, Iba. Assassin of

Hoshi Toru, 211.
Sousa, J. P., 314.

SOUTH AMERICA:

Statistics, 219-220.

The Nationalities in Latin
America, 210-220.

Religion of S. America,
25S-258.

The Monroe Doctrine and
S. America, 167, 215-217,
229-247.

The Isthmian Canal. 225-
228.

British Capital in S. Amer-
ica, 218.

Brazil for the Germans,

166-167, 224-225.
Argentina for the Germans,

223.
American Trade with S.

America, 216, 221.
The Americanization of S.
America, 214-228.

Spain and Her Colonies, see
Cuba, Porto Rico, Philip-
pine Islands.

Spain, Princess Eulalie of,
on the American Girl, 328.

Spectator quoted, 130.

Spiritualism in the United
States, 270, 271.

Sport in America, 334-341.

Starr, Prof., on the American
Type, 152.

Stephenson, George, 360.

Stevenson, Mr., on Great Bri-
tain and the Colonies, 429-
430.

Stockton, Frank, 407.

Stone, Miss, American Mis-
sionary, captured by Bri-
gands in Macedonia, 183-
188.

Stowe, Mrs. Harriet Beecher,
282-284.

Sugar-Growing in the West
Indies, 70-82.

Summing-Up, 381-444.

Sutherland, Mr., on German
Emigration to Australia,
141.

Sydney Bulletin, 56. 134, 136.

Tammany and the Foreigner

in America, 150.
Tammany in Japan, 21 r.
Taschereau, Cardinal, 107.
Tehuantepec Railway, 227-

228.
Temperance Reform in the

United States, 271-272.

457

Index

Temple, Sir Richard, on the
English-Speaking World,
compared with Russia,
Germany, and France, 12.

Times, 300; quoted, 51, 293.

Tobacco Trust. 379-380.

Tocqueville, Alexis de, 279.
On American Democracy,
393.

Toru. Hoshi, Assassination

of, 211.

Tourgee, A. W., on Anglo-
American Reunion, 433.

Trade, see Finance, etc.

Transvaal, etc., see under
South Africa.

Trend of the New Century, 1.

Trinidad, 71.

Trusts, 375-380.

Tsilka, Mrs., captured by Bri-
gands in Macedonia, 186.

TURKEY:

Treaty of San Stefano, 187.
Berlin Treaty, 187-188. _
Macedonia under Turkish

Rule. 183-188.
Caoture of Miss Stone by
Brigands in Macedonia,

183-188.
American Missonanes m

Turkey, etc., 183-108.
Robert College, 180-102.
The Principality of Bul-
garia. 185-190-
The American Missionaries

in Asiatic Turkey, 191.
Americanization of the
, Ottoman Empire, 183-198.
Tuskegee College. 156.
Twain, Mark (S. L. Clem-
ens) :
On Australia. I34-T?5-
On the American Mission-
aries in China, 208.
Other Reference, 287.

458

Twentieth Century and Its
Trend. 1-3-

United Kingdom and the
British Empire, see Col-
onies and Empire.

UNITED STATES:
Social, etc. :
The United States and

the British Empire,

4-12.
Population and Area, 4,

43, 92, 154-155-
The Crucible of Nations,

145-160.
The Foreign Element and

the English Language,

148-160.
The British in America,

148.
The Irish in America, 41,

159-

The German Element,

153, 154-155, 165-166
The Scandinavian Ele-
ment, 158.
The Negroes, 155-156.
Treatment of the Indi-
ans, 120.
Lovaltv of the American

Citizen. 28-29.
Secret of American Suc-
cess, The, 381-395-
Education, 384-388.
Incentives to Labor, 388-

392.

Religion, 255-275-
American Missions; Sta-
tistics. 197-
American Missionaries
in Africa, 198; in Asia,
207-208 ; in Turkey,
etc., 183-198.

Index

Robert College in Tur-
key, 189-192.

Literature and Journal-
ism, 276-303.

Art, Science, and Music,

304-3I7-
American Caricaturists,

295-
The Enfranchisement of

Women, 271-272.
The Women's Christian
Temperance Union,

272.
Marriage and Society,

3I8-333-
Sport, 334-341-
Finance, &c. :
Finance, 11-12, 342-345.
Reciprocity, 175-180.
Trusts, 375-380.
Trade with Canada, 95-

103.
American Capital in Can-
ada, 101-103.
American Trade with

Jamaica, &c, 74-82.
American Trade with S.

America, 221.
Exports to Germany, 169-

170.
The United States and

China, 206-208.
American Relations with

Japan, 209-210.

Korea ; an opening for

American Capital, 211.

American Machinery,

Locomotives, &c, in

England, 350-368.

Shipbuilding in America

and in England, 371-

375-
The American Invasion,
342-380.

POLITICAL AND HIS-
TORICAL:

The American Constitu-
tion, 17-26, 126-127.

The Declaration of Inde-
pendence, 33.

The Canadians and the
Civil War, 94-95-

An American Navy, 371-

What the Monroe Doc-
trine is, 229-247.

Monroe Doctrine and the

Klondyke Mines, 104-105.
Alaskan Dispute, 242.

The Venezuelan Dispute,
231, 241, 251.

Fisheries Dispute be-
tween Nova Scotia and
Massachusetts, 103.

Russia and the United
States, 185, 206-207.

Capture of Miss Stone
by Brigands in Mace-
donia, 183-188.

The United States and
International Arbitra-
tion, 248-254.

EXPANSION AND

AMERICANIZATION :
American Expansion, 200-

205.
American Rule in Cuba,

76-82.
Annexation of Porto

Rico, 76-82.
Annexation of the Phil-
ippine Islands, 201-202.
Annexation of Hawaii, 200.
America and Samoa, 200.
The Americanization of

England, 17-25.
The Americanization of

Ireland, 27-50.
The Americanization of

South Africa. 51-69

459

Index

Americanization of the
West Indies, &c. 70-82.

The Americanization of
Newfoundland and
Canada, 83-98.

Suggested Purchase of
Nova Scotia, &c, 104.

Americanization of Aus-
tralia and New Zea-
land, 123-144.

A Monroe Doctrine for
the Pacific, 128-130.

The Americanization of
Germany, 163-170.

The Americanization of
Austria, 174-176.

The Americanization _ of
the Ottoman Empire,

183-198. . .

The Americanization 01

Asia, 199-213.
America and India, 212
The Americanization of

Central and South

America, 214-228.
The Monroe Doctrine and

S. America, 163, 215-

216, 229-247.
Isthmian Canal, 225- 228.
Utrecht, Treaty of, 85.

Vendlandt, Dr. W., on the

American Peril, 176.
Venezuelan Dispute, 231, 241,

251.

Vincent, Sir Howard, on S.
America, 218.

Vogel, Sir Julius, on New Zea-
land and the Pacific 1 30- 1 3 1 .

Waldersee, Countess von, 3*9-

Waldstein, Prof., on the Ele-
ments of Nationality. 149.

Walsh. Rodney, on the Eng-
lish Language in the United
States. 158.

Washington, Booker, and the
Negroes, 156.

460

Washington, George, Quot-
ed, 418.

Wellman, Walter, on Porto
Rico, 77.

WEST INDIES:

British and American Pos-
sessions, Map, 68.
The Sugar Question, 71-

England and the West In-
dies, see Jamaica, &c, &c.
American Rule in the West
Indies, see Cuba, Porto
Rico.
Danish Possessions. 243-
Germany and the West In-
dies, 72-73.
The Americanization of the
West Indies, etc., 70-82.
Whistler, J. McN.. 305-307-
White, Arthur, on Anglo-
American Federation. 429.
Whitman, Walt. 285-286.
Whitney, W. C. 337-33.8- #
Wideneos. Mr., on American

Democracy, 394.
Willard, Miss Frances. 272.
Wilson. Gen. James H., on
the Monroe Doctrine, 234

WOMEN IN THE UNITED
STATES:
The Enfranchisement of

Women, 271.
The Women's Christian

Temperance Union, 272..
Scientists, 311-312.
The American Woman in
Society, 318-3.33-
World's Work quoted. 365.
Wright. Carroll D., on the
Population of the U. S., 151
Wu Ting Fang, 207.

Yachting: The America Cup.

&c 335-336.
Yerkes, C T., 330.. 359-

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